The Schwartzentruber Amish in Cambria County, Pennsylvania, went back to court to seek relief from the harsh penalties imposed by county judge Norman Krumenacker earlier this year. On the judge’s orders, an Amish school was padlocked in March by county sheriffs because the outhouses near the school did not meet state and county specifications for proper construction. The judge sent the Amish man who owns the land to the county jail for 90 days for defying his orders. In May, the same judge ordered sheriffs to lock two Amish family homes for similar violations of sewage codes.

David Beyer, an attorney in Ebensburg, the county seat, appealed to the judge to allow the Amish children to attend school. According to news reports, school authorities believe the Amish parents are educating their children in their own homes, but the officials have not verified that. Beyer was certain they were not teaching in a schoolroom setting. Mr. Beyer also appealed the eviction order against the two Amish families who were locked out of their homes.

The attorney filed an emergency petition asking the judge to grant the Amish special relief. He said that installing the code-specified sewage facilities would violate their religious beliefs. He also argued that their present method of disposing their outhouse wastes poses no danger to anyone. He said that the Schwartzentrubers have been agonizing over their options since the judge expelled them from their homes and their school.

Beyer explained that the Amish will not resist governmental authority, and they practice Gelassenheit, which he defines as “submission to God’s will, self-surrender, yielding to others’ quiet spirit, lower voice, gentle strides.” He indicated that the children are being made to suffer because their school is padlocked, and one of the two homes may be suffering from mildew because it is closed up.

The county, predictably, is opposed to any relief for the Amish. William Barbin, attorney for the county sewage and building codes agencies, expressed the opposition of the government until the Amish make the changes that they require. “[The Amish] seem to be saying that because they are suffering, the order should be changed. That’s not what should be done.”

Last Tuesday, the attorney and 12 of the Schwartzentruber men met with the judge in a closed-door session, since the Amish indicated they did not want to confront Mr. Krumenacker again on the witness stand. Mary Schwartzentruber, one of the family members expelled from her home, left the courtroom weeping. “It’s so much against our religious beliefs. I just wish we could have worked something out,” she said.

The judge did not change any of his previous orders, except to allow the Amish to use portable toilets temporarily, so long as they accept the responsibility of erecting approved sewage facilities as a long-term solution. The Schwartzentruber Amish believe that all modern conveniences—including state-prescribed outhouses—violate their religious convictions.

The guelaguetza festival, which migrated into southern California with the Zapotec immigrants from Mexico’s Oaxaca state, has been celebrated at the California State University San Marcos for 14 years. This year, a group of indigenous people from Oaxaca organized a guelaguetza festival in the central Willamette Valley of Oregon, in the city of Salem.

The guelaguetza celebrates giving and sharing in Zapotec culture, but it is a more complex concept than those English words suggest. Gifting for the Zapotec can imply giving without any expectation of reciprocity, but it also suggests ritualized giving. The guelaguetza festival itself, at least as celebrated in southern Mexican villages, requires very formalized giving and receiving relationships.

Like the annual festivals held at CSU San Marcos, just north of San Diego, the new festival in Oregon was founded with numerous goals in addition to the traditional gifting and sharing that are so important in Oaxaca. One important consideration for the organizers was to try to bring together the different immigrants from Oaxaca who live and work in the Willamette Valley. The organizers want to unite the indigenous communities, which will support the local organizations in each community that seek to assist their home villages in southern Mexico.

Many of the people from Oaxaca have long been US citizens, but they are still interested in keeping their native traditions alive, and forming a guelaguetza festival may turn out to be an important event that they all can identify with. According to one estimate, there are 40,000 indigenous Mexicans living in the state. These people often feel discriminated against, even by other, non-indigenous, Mexican immigrants. Celebrating their traditions in a very visible way may help break down cultural barriers.

Organizers feel that one of the most important things they can do is support better education for the children in Oaxaca, so they will be able to get better jobs and not feel as compelled by poverty to migrate north. In essence, they hope that the next generation will have more prosperity and better educations, so they can make better lives in their native villages. Dozens of organizations that focus their efforts on providing assistance to their home villages were represented at the Salem festival. Another goal of the Oregon festival has been to foster pride in the indigenous languages of Oaxaca.

Cecilia Girón, a speaker at the event, said that being raised in Oregon did not mean, to her, giving up her native language. “Guelaguetza means to share the culture, engage in a reciprocal exchange of gifts—a gift that does not convey more obligation,” she said. Octaviano Merecias-Cuevas, the festival coordinator, indicated that it took a month and a half of planning to bring it off. He felt that mutual assistance was an important aspect of the festival.

He said that part of the purpose was to raise funds for assisting the home villages back in Oaxaca. “We understand that through strong organization and mutual support between (regions), we can create a better Oaxaca and a better Oregon,” he concluded.

The event, held from 2:00 to 9:00 on Saturday, October 10, included parades, the traditional foods of Oaxaca, and costume dances. In addition to the festivals in San Diego and now Salem, Oregon, Fresno, California, held its 11th guelaguetza in late September.

Seventeenth century Western European researchers believed that miniature homunculi, tiny proto-humans, lived in male sperm cells and developed into babies. More recently, generations of American toddlers have lined up Fisher Price Little People, built castles around them, transported them on toy trucks, and imagined names for them. The colorful, two-inch boys, girls, men and women occupy many different professions, to judge by the lunch pails they carry or the clothing they wear, and they are accompanied by enough little animals to populate an African savannah, a Gobi Desert, or an Arctic ice flow.

Their essential function, for children, is to encourage imaginative play, which often reflects, and encourages kids to act out, real childhood situations. “Let’s build a castle, Grandpa—but let’s only put little girls in it.” “Why?” “Because boys are mean!” “Has some boy in nursery school been mean to you?”

Miniature figures play an important role in many societies in addition to our own, particularly in Inuit groups, as a recent journal article by Frédéric Laugrand and Jarich Oosten explains. Among the Inuit, miniatures have many broader functions than just serving as toys for children. Figurines often have transformative powers; they play important roles in rituals and practices.

The most obvious use for Inuit miniatures is, of course, as toys. They are often implements that assist children in learning useful skills and attitudes so they can later fit into their society as adults. Many accounts of the Inuit, when they used to live on the land rather than in settled communities, describe their toys: dolls for the girls and lifelike, miniature carved animals such as seals for the boys plus the tiny spears that they would use to kill them. With miniature tools, implements, and weapons, the children could imagine they were participating in adult society.

Inuit adults assumed that the tiny implements their children made would give them the skills to make real tools when they grew up. They believed that the toys and dolls helped in the process of gradually transforming their children into functioning adults. But dolls could have a broader meaning for children than simply to serve as teaching tools. People had familiar spirits, often represented by figurines that could be helped, cared for—or beaten—depending on circumstances.

Laugrand and Oosten argue that clear distinctions can’t be made between toys, ritual objects, and ornaments in Inuit societies—the same object could take on different functions, depending on circumstances. A child might make a miniature lamp, for instance, while an adult made a real one. The tiny lamp might then be used as an ornament for a gravesite. The deceased, whenever it wished, could transform the miniature into a real object.

Games that attempted to divine the future employed a similar logic by substituting miniatures for real things. For instance, knuckle bones from the flippers of a seal could represent different hunters. When they were thrown, the bones that ended standing up would foretell the successful hunters. Or, Inuit adults might play games in which miniature figures were tossed and allowed to fall. The ways they fell would predict the outcome of events. But the people usually did not make distinctions between games and rituals. Contemporary Inuit continue wearing miniature objects, such as tiny knives and boots, as earrings or pendants. They often have symbolic importance—for enhancing fertility, continuing society, or transforming game animals into food.

Miniature objects were used as models to help preserve the real things. As long as the miniatures were protected, so too would the real objects be preserved from harm. The Inuit made amulets to protect themselves from evil spirits, and after they converted to Christianity, they would make crucifixes and medals for similar purposes, particularly for protection and healing.

Miniatures also figure in Inuit myths and their associated rituals. In the Sedna myth, for instance, which was discussed in a review here last year, Sedna flees from the evil petrel with her father in his boat, but he panics when a flock of angry petrels attack. He throws her into the sea to save his own life. She grabs the edge of the boat to keep from drowning, but he cuts off the end digits of her fingers for his own self preservation. The ends of the fingers fall into the water and become seals. When he chops off the second joints of her fingers, they become bearded seals and the third joints become walruses when they fall into the sea. The confusing aspect of the story is why the tiny finger parts became major prey animals. The answer is that the lengths of the finger joints appear to symbolize the appropriate sizes for the tarniqs, or shades, of the animals.

Tiny objects often represented helping spirits. According to the explorer Rasmussen, people used to believe that when a house was visited by evil spirits, dogs would bark. People might wave miniature knives through the air for protection. Even today, in Christian Inuit communities, people still tell stories about the powers of miniatures.

In sum, the Inuit thought, and to some extent still think, of miniatures as toys that help a young person become an adult and as implements that are used by the deceased—associations that suggest both the beginning and the ending of life. And, most critically, tiny objects allow people to transform beings from one level to another. Hunters could connect to game animals with their miniatures, and everyone could use them to protect their camps from evil spirits. To this day, small figurines are produced by artists: they are fabricated for sale, exchanged as gifts, and distributed at feasts. Western distinctions between toys, amulets, charms, and ornaments generally do not apply to Inuit culture.

The authors conclude that the Inuit believe miniatures have powers to transform, for better or for worse. The Little People that Western children play with may occasionally have some of those same powers, if the children are particularly imaginative, but Fisher Price probably sells few sets to adults for their own uses.

Laugrand, Frédéric and Jarich Oosten. 2008. “When Toys and Ornaments Come into Play: The Transformative Power of Miniatures in Canadian Inuit Cosmology.” Museum Anthropology 31(2): 69-84

Last week, Bernama, the Malaysian national news agency, issued a five-part series of feature articles on the Orang Asli societies, the Original People of Malaysia. The focus of the articles was on the assistance provided to the Semai, Batek, Chewong and 15 others groups by the Department of Orang Asli Affairs (JHEOA), the national agency charged with managing the aboriginal communities. The series emphasized the ways the Orang Asli are being helped by the government—and changed into modern citizens of the Malay state.

The first article, issued on Monday, lists the 18 Orang Asli societies and the three categories into which they are generally grouped: the Senoi, the Negritos, and the Proto Malays. The Semai and the Chewong are considered to be Senoi societies, and the Batek are Negritos. While the series does not specifically discuss the three peaceful societies, its overall emphasis and approach is worth attention.

According to statistics provided by JHEOA, there are now 141,230 Orang Asli individuals, 37 percent of whom still live “in the interior,” meaning, presumably, in reasonably traditional communities; 62 percent live in semi-urban areas and less than one percent in cities.

The first article quotes the Director General of JHEOA, Mohd Sani Mistam, extensively. He says that the mission of the agency is to integrate the Orang Asli peoples into mainstream Malaysian society. He argues that many of them resent being stereotyped as dowdy, filthy, or indolent. Members of the younger generation, he believes, particularly suffer from low self esteem.

A hopeful sign, he says, is that more mixed marriages are occurring: “This is the testament that our efforts for a more systematic development [have] been accepted by the community. This is the positive change that we have been hoping for.” The Bernama journalist writes that the people are slowly changing from their earlier, forest-based, subsistence lifestyle into “a more contemporary one.” They are increasingly working on farms or as wage laborers. Mohd Sani argues that these changes fulfill the development planning of the government.

The journalist, Melati Mohd Ariff, repeats JHEOA statistics about the reduction of poverty among Orang Asli families, from 19,433 poor households several years ago down to 1,810 this April. She provides details about the health and education programs run by the agency, and she indicates that some Orang Asli youths receive effective vocational training, such as repairing cars and motorbikes. She adds, “meanwhile, the fairer sex of the Orang Asli can opt for the sewing or hairstyling course and up to 2008 a total of 331 Orang Asli girls underwent training in [these] two courses.”

The government formed five focus groups last July to study the problems faced by the Orang Asli in the areas of education, amenities, health, economy and traditional knowledge. Mohd Sani, the JHEOA Director General, emphasizes that no one will be left out of the development process—except those who want to remain on the sidelines of progress. “If there is anyone left out, it is probably due to their reluctance to change their traditional way of life,” he says.

Tuesday’s article discusses the achievements and attitudes of Awang bin Alok, 69, the headman of the Orang Asli village of Kampung Gumum. He has a very positive take on the developments he has seen in his community, thanks to modernization, such as electricity, piped water, a paved road, and many comfortable houses. He praises JHEOA effusively.

Wednesday’s piece focuses on a 44 year old woman, known as Kak Nor, who expressly denies that when an Orang Asli woman marries a Muslim man and converts to Islam, she is fated to die in poverty. She says she does not expect that to happen to her.

Part four, issued on Thursday, describes Nisra Nisran, a young Orang Asli man who is now the Deputy Director General for Development in JHEOA. His father moved his family about when he was young, which exposed him to many different communities in Malaysia and helped him break out from the Orang Asli way of life, according to the article. While 30 percent of the positions in JHEOA are held by Orang Asli people, he is the only one who holds a professional post.

Nisra Nisran accepts the state’s model for development for the Orang Asli. Most of them no longer live in isolated villages, and many are fortunate, in his opinion, to be close to Malay communities. “Whether they like it or not,” he says, “development [has] reached their doorstep and now they have no choice but to embrace development. The jungle resources that the community was dependent on [are] slowly being depleted as the forest is slowly being replaced by palm oil and rubber plantation[s]. They have to make a transition from [their] traditional to [a] modern economy that can guarantee a better future for them and their children.”

On Friday, the fifth article concluded the series by portraying another high-achieving Orang Asli man, who expresses his gratitude for the assistance that JHEOA gave him, which helped him to eventually get ahead.

Much of the information in the series is worthwhile. For instance, some Orang Asli youngsters are bullied and harassed in schools by the Malay students, which may prompt them to drop out rather than continue to take abuse. The series, however, is a completely uncritical review of the program for enticing the Orang Asli into accepting the majority, Malay, way of life. There is no indication that the Orang Asli communities themselves are having any input into setting the goals of the agency, other than the fact that the one young man is a top official. Also, the five focus groups set up last July did not appear to include one on land rights, an issue that is central to many Orang Asli defenders—and anathema to the government.

Last week’s Bernama series contains no criticism, no expression of other opinions, no evaluations, nothing but a rosy portrayal of the wonderful progress the Orang Asli are making under the benevolent guidance of the Malaysian government. Perhaps a careful re-reading of Endicott and Dentan (2004) would be worthwhile. Their scholarly, thorough analysis of the reasons the Malaysian government is so keen on converting the Orang Asli into good Muslim Malays is a sobering antidote to the Bernama stories.

Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT), the Lepcha activist group that opposes the construction of dams in the Dzongu region of northern Sikkim, has suspended its long-lasting relay hunger strike. ACT opposes the proposed power dams because they threaten the natural ecology and the sacred character of the Dzongu, an area in the Himalayas that is sacred to the Lepcha people.

In August this year, ACT charged the state government of Sikkim with a variety of illegal actions, and the government appears to be taking a conciliatory stance as a result. The government sent ACT a letter nearly three weeks ago that proposed a resumption of talks about the situation. It also requested that the group stop the hunger strike.

Last week, Dawa Lepcha, the General Secretary of ACT, said the group decided it would suspend its hunger strike in order to build confidence between itself and the government. It also wants to foster further initiatives that might help resolve the issue. Mr. Lepcha called the relay hunger strike a very successful strategy since it has brought attention to their cause not only in the state of Sikkim, but nationally and internationally. It has awakened “the voice of the people” against the hydroelectric power projects, he maintained.

The plight of the San people, particularly the G/wi, who have been expelled from their homes by the government of Botswana, prompted some press coverage in Africa last week. Several news sources reprinted a press release from Survival International which shows a cartoon that caricatures the reactions of President Ian Khama of Botswana to the G/wi situation.

President Khama, who is on the board of the international environmental NGO Conservation International, succeeded the previous president, Festus Mogae, 18 months ago. So far he has not changed his predecessor’s repressive policies toward the indigenous minority people. In fact, he has demeaned their way of life as an “archaic fantasy.” The Botswana government expelled the G/wi, and other San people, from their homes in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve in order to make sure there were no competing claims for royalties when diamond mining commenced. The San people took the government to court.

In 2006, the highest court in Botswana decided against the government and required it to allow the San to return to their homes. In retaliation, the government destroyed all sources of water and prevented the people from hunting game. In effect, by denying the people food and water, the government continues to make it extremely difficult for the San to survive in the desert.

The drawing that SI reprinted, by an anonymous cartoonist, shows President Khama sweeping the San people and their huts under a rug—depicted as the national flag. He is saying, “do you think anyone will notice?” As always, Stephen Corry, director of Survival, had harsh words for the government: “President Khama isn’t only trying to sweep the Bushmen out of the picture, he’s making things even worse by attacking their way of life and refusing to uphold his own court’s rulings.”

Also last week, the Bench Marks Foundation (BMF), a South African church-based NGO that monitors the corporate social performances of businesses, released a 114 page report that severely criticizes the diamond mining industry and its government allies in Botswana. It focuses particularly on the activities of Debswana, the corporate child of DeBeers and the national government.

“Corporate Social Responsibility in the Diamond Mining Industry in Botswana,” by David van Wyk, appears as a PDF on the BMF website. It has prompted controversy in the press and government circles in Botswana as that country confronts its highly discriminatory treatment of its minority citizens. As IRIN, a human rights reporting service for the United Nations noted last week in describing the BMF document, “the plight of the San, also known as Bushmen, has become an international public relations nightmare for Botswana.”

BMF made many charges that repeat information that has already appeared in Survival International releases and other sources in the press. However, the detailed presentation by a respected South African ecumenical organization appears to be having an impact. The BMF document charges that the diamond mining operations make it difficult for the San communities to have access to water. It also indicates that the mining does not provide benefits to the communities located near the operations, and that the industry was not required to prepare environmental impact assessments as it should have been.

Predictably, the government and DeBeers dismissed the findings in the report as inaccurate. “The key criticism made by the BMF is that Debswana’s operations have not generated benefits at a community level in Botswana. This is not the case,” stated a joint rebuttal by the company and the government. The government/corporate statement claims that Debswana is “one of the most successful public-private partnerships in the world,” since it pours approximately 80 percent of diamond mining revenues back into Botswana’s coffers.

“Debswana’s contribution to social development in Botswana vastly exceeds the global benchmark for Corporate Social Investment of 1 percent of pre-tax profits,” the statement says. According to the IRIN news story, however, the corporate rebuttal does not mention the idea that some of the benefits should go directly to local, indigenous communities. In fact, it denies that the government needs to consider the possibility of local communities having any claims to royalties. The state, it claims, owns all mineral resources.

Perhaps the most damming aspect of the BMF report is the charge that Debswana has failed to develop communities near their mines. It alleges that they remain impoverished. DeBeers argues that their sharing agreement with the government relieves the diamond industry of responsibility for local, nearby people. Their contributions to the government, the company argues, represent a significant boost for government-led development.

A BMF response to the DeBeers rebuttal was equally hard-hitting. DeBeers had cited, in its rebuttal, various major studies that, it claimed, “highlight Botswana’s unique success in using its diamond wealth to drive sustainable development at both a community and national level…” In responding, the BMF dismissed the DeBeers contributions to the discussion.

The BMF rejoinder indicated that it had used a variety of sources such as information from the World Bank, the UN, the government of Botswana, the Brenthurst Foundation, DeBeers itself, and its own research. It indicates that unemployment in Botswana ranges from between 24 to 40 percent, and it alleges that the country is one of most unequal in the world.

The BMF stresses that its own emphasis, in contrast to DeBeers and the government, is on the welfare of the marginalized people—workers, rural peasants, indigenous minorities—who are deeply and directly affected by large-scale industrial projects such as diamond mines. The report seeks to make that same connection for the power elites who run the government and the giant corporations.

Last week, the Telegraph, one of Calcutta’s major newspapers, published two different articles about the Birhor and the way they are perceived by the majority Indian society.

The first article described the visit of some officials to a couple villages in the state of Jharkhand. The deputy commissioner of the state, K. K. Soan, accompanied by some other people, visited Basu Kocha and Jorebore, about 80 km from Ranchi, the state capital. Twenty one families from both the Birhor and Paharia societies met the visitors when they arrived in their communities and showed them documents that indicated they owned several tracts of land.

The people claimed, however, they had never been shown the location of the property when it was given to them at least 10 years earlier. With a reporter present, the officials were obviously embarrassed. The deputy commissioner directed one subordinate to immediately find the land and ensure that the families were shown where it is located.

He then warned a revenue officer with the party that he would face serious consequences if his instructions were not carried out. A public relations officer then told the Telegraph that such an event was unprecedented—the first time anything like that had happened during a field inspection by a deputy commissioner.

The second article describes a temporary building called a pandal, which has been erected in Calcutta for a puja, a Hindu religious celebration, in this case organized for the goddess Durga. The group that is organizing the puja, the Suruchi Sangha club in Calcutta, decided for this year’s festival to highlight the theme of preserving the environment. It is developing that theme by focusing on the tribal societies in the neighboring state of Jharkhand. The club decided to model the pandal for the festivities after a Birhor dwelling.

The pandal is evidently fairly large, with a dome 30 feet high. It is covered with different varieties of plants that might be used by a Birhor family in Jharkhand to cover one of their homes in the forest. The club, concerned about the accurate appearance of the pandal, went to Jharkhand to get the plants; it raised them in a local nursery until it was time to erect the building. The plants are known for producing fruits and flowers, or for providing medicines the Birhor use.

The interior walls and ceiling of the building mix other tribal themes and art work from different Jharkhand societies in order to try and capture the spirit of the peoples of the state. The centerpiece of the structure is a 14-foot high idol of Durga, a goddess that embodies, for Hindus, the characteristics of female forcefulness.

The organizers of the festival also wanted to present a sense of tribal violence, however. As the Telegraph reporter incorrectly expressed it, “the charm of the tribal heartland is incomplete without its warrior men and women.”

Outside the pandal, the organizing club erected a pedestal for a statue of Birsa Munda, a warrior and leader of the Munda society, also in Jharkhand, who fought against the British 100 years ago. He is viewed today as a freedom fighter for Indian independence.

The Suruchi Sangha club extended the tribal image by building a ring of village huts around the perimeter of the pandal, complete with a model forest. Raja Sarkar, an artist who helped prepare the exhibit, told the Telegraph that in order to create the ambience of a Jharkhand village, they “tried to replicate a tribal battle scene.” The artists placed on one side of the exhibit area 24 statues of men and women heading off to war. “The sound of drum beats heralding a war will play in the background to add to the effect,” he said.

Too bad the organizers were unaware of the fact that, however much other tribal societies in Jharkhand may have gone to war, the Birhor are quite peaceful. It may be difficult for city people living in a major, world power such as India to accept the idea that some societies avoid conflict, competition, and violence.

Alex Gillespie analyzes the relationships between tourists in Ladakh and the Ladakhi people on the basis of trust.

Tourists visit Ladakh to hike in the mountains, visit remote villages, see Buddhist monasteries, and engage with what they hope will be traditional Ladakhi people. They often are more concerned with the genuine nature of the people they encounter than they are with the prices of services and goods they purchase.

They are especially attracted by the quality of the yak bone statues, pashmina shawls, ancient thangka (religious paintings), carpets, and jewelry they find in the souvenir shops of Leh, the capital of Ladakh. Many of the items for sale in those shops are mass produced imitations, a situation which the tourists are aware of. While they want to purchase real items, they view the shopkeepers suspiciously.

The author befriended a couple of the shopkeepers, who allowed him to hang out in their stores and observe the tourists react to their goods. He found that, at the same time the tourists were sizing up the shopkeepers, the merchants were evaluating them. The shopkeepers tried to estimate how much the tourists wanted to buy the wares they were examining, while the tourists tried to not reveal how much they really wanted items.

But even more critical for the merchants than estimating the eagerness of the tourists was earning their trust. One shopkeeper told the author, “the main thing is to get trust first; once we get trust, then we get profit (p.137).” Ladakhi shopkeepers have a variety of strategies for building trust. One is to sit out on the street and offer very low prices, but to begin hiking them once the tourists come in. Another is to have guides, on a commission basis, bring in their tourists with the story that the shopkeeper is a relative of some sort.

The store owners may also offer tea, which helps define the tourist as a friend and promote a reciprocal spirit with good feelings. The tourists, however, often see through this strategy as an attempt to promote indebtedness, so it is normally not too successful. The shopkeepers also use special tricks to build trust. A common one is to pull a purported pashmina scarf through a ring, which really proves nothing even though the demonstration supposedly shows the quality of the item. The shopkeeper may also take a chip out of the bottom of a yak bone statue and burn it. That way, the tourist can smell the supposed odor from the burning ember and gain trust.

The author argues that the point of these tests is not really objective reality. Instead, they are designed to promote the belief that the object, and the seller of that object, can be trusted. In a parallel manner, Gillespie maintains, it does not matter whether a community is dealing with genuine coins and printed money or counterfeits; the critical issue is whether everyone handling the coins and bills trusts that they are genuine. If they do, the coins and bills will retain their value as they are handed on from one person to the next.

While shopkeepers may feel gleeful when they are able to dupe tourists into buying trinkets that are really of little value, the visitors are aware that they have minimal knowledge about objects when they enter these shops. So they use other stratagems to figure out whether or not to trust the store owners. The first thing they have to do is to shed their biases about fixed prices. A question such as, “what is the price of this object” is irrelevant. The more appropriate question, from the point of view of the shopkeeper, is “what are you willing to pay for this item?” Price is determined by bargaining.

An important judgment that tourists make of the shopkeepers, particularly the males, is whether they appear to be modern or traditional. Tourists often feel that traditional Ladakhis are more authentic, and thus can be trusted to be honest. Many visitors refer to young, male shopkeepers, who dress in western clothing, with bright, skin-tight, T-shirts and wraparound sunglasses, as “lizardmen.” They appear to be shifty and quick, people who are not to be trusted. They will cheat visitors and sell them fakes.

In contrast, many tourists, especially women, feel much more comfortable dealing with female shopkeepers, particularly ones who dress in traditional clothing. An image of smiling, honest, happy Ladakhi women replaces one of lying, manipulative, lizardmen. The women are not so pushy as the men, the visitors feel. Gillespie argues that it is not so much a male-female dichotomy, as a traditional versus modern issue. Women in Ladakh are often under pressure to dress in traditional clothing when they visit public spaces.

Tourists tend to react differently to modern and traditional Ladakhi people. They may bargain very hard with people such as the lizardmen that they see as modern, sometimes quarreling over a few rupees—trivial amounts in their own currency. Yet they idealize traditionally-dressed shopkeepers, whom they treat gently and politely, with respect for their supposedly honest, spiritual ways.

The author concludes that it is not, for the tourists, an absolute value of trusting the Ladakhi people as a whole, but rather a specific decision—whether or not to trust one individual versus another. Which person is lying, which one is telling the truth? It appears as if the dress and manner of the particular shopkeeper establishes his or her trustworthiness. The author does not provide his own perceptions of how really trustworthy the shopkeepers—men or women—may in fact be. That’s beside the point.

Gillespie, Alex. 2008. “In the Other We Trust: Buying Souvenirs in Ladakh, North India.” In Trust and Distrust: Sociocultural Perspectives, edited by Ivana Marková and Alex Gillespie, p.131-152. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing

Elisha Kilabuk, a master Inuit throat singer and storyteller, will be performing this coming Saturday, September 26, at the Unikkarvik Visitor’s Centre in Iqaluit, the capital city of Nunavut Territory.

Kilabuk, who was born in Iqaluit, learned stories from his mother, Mukpaloo Kilabuk, who learned them from her father, Inuksiaq. “I’ve been hearing stories and telling them most of my life,” he told a Northern News Service reporter. He said they did not have video games when he was growing up, and while they were outside most of the time, when the weather was bad they would play indoors until their mother got tired of the running around. She would then start to sing a song, her prelude for a story.

He recalls her storytelling fondly. “It’s like watching a movie when you’re hearing a story of legends,” he told the reporter. The legends, he said, mostly concerned orphans overcoming troubles and how the birds and animals came to be. But the stories also had social significance. “The stories teach of discipline and how you have to treat other people and how people can retaliate even though they’re smaller than a person who is important and much bigger. They teach you how to treat people nicely.”

For Kilabuk, the importance of telling these stories to younger audiences is the fact that they are passed along orally, from one generation to the next, the way he learned his tales from his mother. He feels that the Inuit are in danger of losing their spoken language, and preserving their oral heritage, their wealth of stories and songs, helps maintain it.

The Commissioner of Nunavut, Ann Meekitjuk Hanson, expressed her admiration for Kilabuk. She said she was amazed at how many stories he knew, and that he had learned them so effectively at a young age. “We were blown away the first time we heard him in public,” she recalled. She gave him the Acquisition of Special Skills award for Nunavut Territory in 2006 because of the way he effectively introduces Inuit children to traditional songs and stories—and helps older people treasure their cultural heritage.

He shared both his songs and his stories this summer at the Iqualuit visitor’s center, captivating audiences constantly. Steven Curley, coordinator of the center, commented that, for the audiences, it was as if they were watching TV. “He could just go on for hours with the stories he knows,” Curley said. “He is a very talented Inuit artist. We’re very fortunate to have him in Iqaluit.”

He will be performing at the Visitor’s Center with Annabella Piugattuk beginning at 1:30 PM on Saturday afternoon.

Gamal Mubarak, a powerful young Egyptian politician, traveled to the Aswan area last week to address some of the concerns of the Nubian people about the government’s intentions toward them. The second son of aging Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, Gamal is head of the Policies Committee of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). The younger Mubarak, 46, is widely seen as being groomed to succeed his father, perhaps in national parliamentary elections scheduled for next year.

The point of his visit was to renew promises made earlier to the Nubians, that people displaced from their homes along the Nile River would be allowed to return to the shores of Lake Nasser, which inundated the river valley when the Aswan Dam was closed in the 1960s. The reservoir destroyed 44 Nubian villages.

Mubarak visited the Nubian village of Aniba accompanied by the ministers of Agriculture, Water and Irrigation, and Housing. The officials made many promises. The Housing Minister, Ahmed El-Maghraby, promised that 2,000 new housing units would be completed within 24 months and made available to Nubian people. The Minister of Agriculture promised that 10,000 acres of agricultural land located along Lake Nasser would be given to the Nubians, with efficient irrigation facilities provided. The ministers promised that no one would be compelled to move to the new villages, but whoever did want to return to the shores of the lake could do so.

The Nubians have heard government promises before and were apparently critical of them. Manal El-Tibi, head of the Egyptian Organization for Housing Rights, strongly criticized the government for its policy of granting an acre of land to Nubian farmers, five acres to Arab Egyptians from the northern part of the country, and thousands of acres to land speculators.

Abdullah Abdel Fatah, a Nubian who is secretary general of Al-Tagammu Party in Aswan, said people who have been dispossessed of their land have a natural right to a replacement. That right is guaranteed by international legal charters, he said. When events force them to leave their land, they have the right to return as soon as conditions permit. He added, “the current Nubian villages are over-crowded; we are in desperate need of new residential areas to provide homes for the growing population.”

Local Nubian representatives also described their problems to the visitors. Their impoverished communities need improved infrastructures and better public services. People who live in the Nubian village of Nasr El-Nuba, located in the city of Kom Ombo, north of Aswan, also want to have their political representation changed. They would like to be represented by Nasr El-Nuba itself, as a separate political entity from Kom Ombo.

In addition to pressing for the construction of new villages around the lake, the Nubians asked the government to complete a planned highway linking Aswan to the border with Sudan, to modernize an irrigation system, to construct a sugar factory, and to improve a hospital in Nasr El-Nuba.

Mubarak and the ministers that accompanied him also spoke at a meeting in Aswan City during their visit to Upper Egypt. At that meeting, Mubarak promised that the government would study the Nubian demands for an electoral constituency of their own. But he was less positive in his comments than in the village. “It isn’t possible for the Nubians to return to the banks of Lake Nasser,” he said in Aswan. The lake is in a strategic location in the country, on the southern border, which must be protected. Nubians, however, were free to go to other areas in the Abu Simbel region, to the north of the sensitive border zone, he said. “The development of our border areas is being carried out very carefully,” he added.

He asked the Nubian leaders invited to the Aswan meeting to “accept the status quo” by approving the new housing units that are already under construction around the lake. Various Nubian leaders in Aswan requested the government to renovate an irrigation station, which has not been maintained in seven years, to grant free lands to Nubians, and to fix problems that a local paper mill is experiencing.

The Minister of Agriculture denied the allegation that land had been deeded to wealthy speculators. He promised that lands would be donated to small farming projects instead.

Overall, press reports suggest that the Nubians have heard the promises before and they are quite skeptical that much will happen. The Nubian Movement for Change issued a statement asking what had happened to all the earlier pleas that had been sent to the government. “Gamal Mubarak is in [ Nubia] pretending to offer solutions to the Nubian crisis,” according to the statement, “but we all know that his real motive is to please all parties to pave the way to the crime of succession.” The group expressed its hostility to the son as well as to the President, and concluded, in reference to the younger Mubarak, “you are not welcome [here].”

The Committee for Nubian Change expressed its view that the visit was a flop. According to Hani Youssef, a member of that group, the visit “didn’t provide the people with anything new. It was little more than propaganda for upcoming presidential elections.”

The meeting in Aswan was carefully controlled by the government. Only 120 hand-picked local leaders and journalists from the state-run media were allowed to attend the gathering.