Photojournalist Tanmoy Bhaduri provided an upbeat assessment last week of an Anganwadi center, located in a Birhor community in a remote corner of India’s Jharkhand State. He met a Birhor woman who is trying to improve the health and nutrition of the women and children in the village, the primary mission of India’s Anganwadi centers.

Birhor woman with children
Birhor woman with children (Screen capture from the video “Birhor—a Tribe Displaced for Nothing” by VideoVolunteers on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

Pinky Birhor is employed by the Anganwadi center at the unnamed colony, which has about 100 families living in it. Her biggest challenge has been to get pregnant women and lactating mothers to come into the center for health exams. The women are scared of medicines and injections because of their beliefs, Pinky said. She added that Birhor rituals require pregnant women to stay in their leaf huts, cut off from the world, and to deliver their own children.

“I would say my biggest achievement has been to get the women to the hospital for their delivery. There was a lot of resistance but once a few women came back with healthy babies, they started believing in me,” Ms. Birhor told Mr. Bhaduri.

One of the pregnant mothers confirmed the value of Pinky’s work. She told the writer that part of the problem is that workers from other sectors of Indian society may have strong prejudices against the untouchable adivasi people. “The worker who was here before Pinky wouldn’t even touch the children. How can you take care of them if you can’t even touch them? We trust Pinky because she is one of us. She wouldn’t do anything to harm our kids or us,” the woman said.

Birhor woman being interviewed about the polluted water in their Jharkhand village
Birhor woman being interviewed about the polluted water in their Jharkhand village (Screen capture from the video “Birhor Community Becoming Extinct at Lohadanda, Koderma, Jainagar, Jharkhand” by VideoVolunteers on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

Pinky also has made a successful beginning in her campaign to convince the Birhor in the community about the importance of cleanliness. She says it is easier to imprint new ways of acting on the children. She insists that the kids take baths before coming to the Anganwadi center and she requires them to wash their hands before eating breakfasts, habits that the adults don’t have, at least not yet.

Another cause that Pinky has taken up is getting enough food for the colony. The Anganwadi program provides only a minimum amount of food for the residents; with help from a local NGO she has gotten the Birhor involved in gardening so they can grow their own vegetables. She tells Bhaduri, with obvious pride, that the children are now getting enough nutrition. “You can see it helps because they fall ill less often,” she brags to the journalist.

Women in a Birhor hamlet in Jharkhand
Women with a child in a Birhor hamlet in Jharkhand (Screen capture from the video “Birhor Community Becoming Extinct at Lohadanda, Koderma, Jainagar, Jharkhand” by VideoVolunteers on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

He is clearly impressed by Ms. Birhor. Despite not having enough financial support for the needs of the preschool children and the mothers in the colony, she does not give up. “These are our kids. They will grow up to become the future of this community. I cannot let their future be affected,” she asserts.

The author generalizes about the Birhor in this colony that they are “still surviving on their hunting and gathering skills,” though the only additional information he provides about their economic pursuits is his brief narrative about the recent gardening venture that Pinky inspired. An Indian anthropologist, Rajesh Pankaj (2008), provided more details about the economic activities of the Birhor in Jharkhand. He found during his fieldwork from 2002 – 2005 that representations of the Birhor as simply hunters and gatherers are no longer correct.

A few have taken up agriculture but not too many. However, it is safe to say that many are shifting at least some of their economic pursuits to part-time laboring on farms, to working in local industries such as brick kilns, and to pulling rickshaws. While hunting and gathering remain the primary source of food for most of them, they are not exclusively foragers any longer.

 

A Zapotec physicist who was originally from Juchitán, Oaxaca, is planning to translate Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica, an essential work of western science, into his native language.

The title page of Isaac Newton’s Principia Mathematica, first edition of 1687
The title page of Isaac Newton’s Principia Mathematica, first edition of 1687 (Photo in Wikimedia, in the public domain)

According to an article in Mexico News Daily, Feliciano Carrasco Regalado is confident that his translation will be useful. In contrast to his detractors who argue that the work is too complex to be translated successfully into an indigenous language, Carrasco maintains that while the equations may be inaccessible to many and the formulas may cause some terror, “a native person of my language would understand [the Principia Mathematica] very well.”

He said that he has run into similar prejudices before toward the indigenous Zapotec people and their understanding of complex theories. He met such prejudicial attitudes when he was invited to lecture about Einstein’s theory of relativity. One person commented to another academic, “How can you promote this Indian?” when it was clear that the speaker, Carrasco, was a Zapotec.

Feliciano Carrasco singing a Zapotec song
Feliciano Carrasco singing a Zapotec song (Photo by Alejandra Méndez, Secreatría de Cultura CDMX in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

To judge by the article, Carrasco is more than a scientist: he is, himself, a Renaissance man. He is a musician who composes songs that he sings in Zapotec. He has recorded them in five albums and a number of them are available on YouTube.

He takes a lot of pride in sharing his love for mathematics with his students. Beyond that, he promotes the Mexican indigenous cultures and he teaches the Zapotec language at the National Autonomous University (UNAM) in Mexico City. He also teaches Zapotec at the Macario Matus Cultural Center, where he is the director. He is a member of the Mexican Academy of Language, a prestigious organization that strives to keep the Spanish language pure.

 

A Lepcha man and woman shown in an 1872 engraving
A Lepcha man and woman shown in an 1872 engraving (Image from Dalton’s Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal in Wikimedia, in the Public Domain)

Geoffrey Gorer (1967) wrote that, according to tradition, the Lepchas began transitioning in the mid-18th century from a hunting and gathering society to a people who relied primarily on cultivation. But Gorer questioned that time scale. He felt that even a century earlier, in the 17th century, they were probably cultivating rice and millet on the lower slopes of the valleys, yet supplementing their agricultural produce with wild foods they hunted and gathered.

He argued that while the Lepchas used to do a lot of hunting, by the 1930s the practice was already dying out. During that period, they relied on hunting for a lot of their food in the less fertile regions of Sikkim, but in Lingthem and the other villages of the Dzongu there was far less hunting than before. One of the reasons for the decline of hunting was the stigma that Lamaism placed on the killing of animals, a feeling that extended to those who were not lamas.

Furthermore, the increased amount of land devoted to agriculture, both for cultivated crops and for domestic animals, diminished the need to eat game meat. In addition, the demands of agriculture on the time of the villagers allowed less time for hunting. Gorer wrote that “if a young man wants to go hunting … he usually has to sneak away when his elders are not looking, and is likely to get a good scolding when he does return for withdrawing his labor from the fields (p.85).”

A report published last week by an Indian news website brings the story of Lepcha hunting up to date. They have taken to hunting frogs. The amphibians are being hunted by the Lepcha from the mountain torrents and rivers for both the meat found in their hind legs and for their supposed medicinal values. According to Basundhara Chettri, Assistant Professor of Zoology at the Sikkim Government College, the consumption of frog meat for curing ailments has not been scientifically validated.

The hill stream frog (Amolops formosus) is found widely in the mountain waterways of northern India
The hill stream frog (Amolops formosus) is found widely in the mountain waterways of northern India (Photo by Rejaul karim.rk in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

Chettri said that local people collect the amphibians during the monsoon season, from June through September, during the dusk and early evening hours. “This also overlaps with the breeding season of the frogs,” she said. A wide range of amphibians are harvested, including the hill-stream frog (Amolops formosus), which is known locally as “peeray paa,” the mountain cascade frog (Amolops marmoratus) and others.

She said that the Lepcha do not harvest the frogs for commercial purposes—only for consumption. Unfortunately, the harvesters are unaware of the impact of their collecting on the local frog populations. They view their practice simply as a way of utilizing a natural resource so they are not wasted. “They believe that frogs are nature’s gift to them like fruits and die out after some span of time even if not collected. Hence, extraction is one way of harvest before the natural resources are wasted or rotten. The perception is that if they collect more, the number of amphibians will increase in the subsequent years,” Chettri said.

Dr. Sathyabhama Das Biju, dubbed as the “frog man of India”
Dr. Sathyabhama Das Biju, dubbed as the “frog man of India” (Photo in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

S.D. Biju, a biologist specializing in amphibians at the University of Delhi, said that harvested frogs legs are available in markets in northeast India in Manipur and Nagaland. “Though habitat degradation is the major issue for declining frog population, over-harvesting is also a concern,” he said. Another scholar who focuses on amphibians, Barkha Subba, said that the hunting represents a significant threat to their populations in Sikkim. She pointed out that the frogs tend to breed in the same streams each year, making them highly susceptible to pressures from human hunting in the same areas. It can lead to local populations of frogs being extirpated.

Subha told the journalist that while the Lepchas no longer rely on hunting and gathering for the bulk of their food, they still preserve an annual festival to celebrate and worship a hunting god. As part of that festival, the Lepcha men spend a day in a forest hunting. Subba said that during her interviews with the men, they told her that since India has passed laws such as the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972, they do not risk hunting bigger game animals. Instead, they “go for small animals like frogs for the sake of the ritual of hunting.”

She added that since most young people are now being educated in the schools, they are no longer much interested in the hunting rituals. However, the various Indian amphibian experts consulted for the news story feel that the frogs in Sikkim are still vulnerable and that their numbers need to be carefully monitored.

 

Although Ladakh is roughly half Muslim and half Buddhist, the Ladakhis are becoming less tolerant about interfaith marriages, according to an article last week in the VOA News. Marriages between members of the two groups used to be accepted but they no longer are.

A Ladakhi woman vendor selling food in a market
A Ladakhi woman vendor selling food in a market (Photo by Steve Evans on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The article, written by journalist Krithika Varagur, blames the steadily increasing hostile feelings primarily on the Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA), the rhetoric from which is similar to that from hard-line Buddhists in Myanmar and Sri Lanka. Ms. Varagur was told by a Buddhist woman named Rinchen how LBA members, including a monk, hassled her and the man she was dating a few years ago. They went out for a picnic on a nice day but they were trailed by the LBA, who “harassed us and then called my parents,” she said. “It’s crazy for women here!” she emphasized.

Rinchen told the author that the LBA carries their campaign a step farther. They encourage every Buddhist woman to keep having babies and they actively discourage any family planning. They fear that the Muslims in Ladakh will out-populate them.

Buddhist women at the Phyang Monastery 10 miles outside Leh
Buddhist women at the Phyang Monastery 10 miles outside Leh (Photo by Pierre André in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

She described the religious service at a monastery complex in Leh, where she was subject to rabidly pro-population sentiments. A monk was arguing against contraception—for Buddhist women—and encouraging them instead to have five or six children. The LBA fears an explosion of Muslims, which in the long run would tip the population balance away from them. Rinchen added that it is incredibly difficult today for Buddhist women in Ladakh to get abortions.

In fact, Varagur wrote, the population balance is already changing. She wrote that the demographics of the Leh District, which use to be 85 percent Buddhist have shifted over the past 30 years to the point where the district is now only 66 percent Buddhist. This demographic change has fueled the siege mentality of the LBA.

Syada Bano, a Muslim shopkeeper in Leh who converted to Islam at age 16
Syada Bano, a Muslim shopkeeper in Leh who converted to Islam at age 16 (Photo by Leo Plunkett, VOA; in the public domain)

Not all Ladakhi women are alarmed. Syada Bano, a Muslim shopkeeper in Leh, was not bothered by the furor last year over the LBA and its opposition to a mixed marriage. She felt the issue was overblown. The 65 year old woman, born a Buddhist, converted to Islam at age 16 and married a Muslim social workers. She has had three children and, in her terms, a “wonderful life.” She added that she was not forced to convert and she does not think young Buddhist women are today either. The LBA is simply becoming more intolerant, she maintained.

However, P.T. Kungang, the vice-president of the LBA, disagreed, arguing that the interfaith marriages are the primary cause of communal tensions in Ladakh. Muslim leaders in Ladakh likewise argue that interfaith marriages are undesirable. But, the journalist wrote, while the interfaith marriages don’t break any laws, the agitation against “the other” has had a growing effect on popular opinion. In addition to women having increasing difficulties getting abortions, inter-communal hostilities are slowly taking hold. People are becoming reluctant to patronize businesses run by individuals from the other faith.

Rinchen told Varagur how she was looking for a place to eat with a colleague but the other lady refused to enter a Muslim-owned tea shop. Rinchen described her colleague as a very well educated woman. She told Ms. Varagur how she was “shocked that the LBA message had penetrated so far.” Rinchen said that she feared those kinds of attitudes might grow worse.

 

The Ju/’hoansi Traditional Authority announced last week that they have engaged some lawyers to help them regain control over their lands in Namibia. A report in the New Era newspaper on Tuesday the 27th provided a brief catalog of the wrongs they have suffered from invaders who have occupied some of their lands. Government actions in behalf of the Ju/’hoansi have been ineffective, the authority alleged. The report was based on a press release from the Traditional Authority according to another news story.

A Herero family in Namibia
A Herero family in Namibia (Photo by Claire Dickson in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Their concern is with the Herero herders who first invaded the Nyae Nyae Conservancy in 2009. While a variety of actions have been taken, as numerous previous news stories have chronicled, the situation has still not been resolved. So the Ju/’hoansi chief decided to obtain legal help.

The Ju/’hoansi leaders maintain that despite their attempts to engage with the invaders, followed by their appeals for help from the administrators of government agencies, their efforts to resolve the matter and remove the invaders from their lands have all failed. They claim that “there has been a real lackluster reaction” from persons in positions of authority. That failure of responsibly in following Namibian law has had a serious impact on the people living in the marginalized Ju/’hoan communities, the article maintained.

The article named the agencies that have failed them. Despite the claim by the San people that they are effective custodians of the land and its resources, neither the Ministry of Environment and Tourism nor the Ministry of Agriculture, Water, and Forestry have supported their rights to their own lands. The article maintained that the Namibian legislation granting the Ju/’hoansi the right to utilize the resources of their traditional lands was in fact gazetted.

A couple kids at a traditional San village in northern Namiba
A couple kids at a traditional San village in northern Namiba (Photo by Alan Kuehner on his website, Creative Commons license)

The result, the authors argued, is that although they have the legal right to use the land—and indeed they maintained that they utilize natural resources sustainably—the invaders have flouted the laws and they unsustainably graze their cattle. The government agencies simply look away. Since every other recourse has failed, the San chief has engaged legal assistance to begin civil cases against six of the Herero farmers.

The article quoted the Ju/’hoansi chief as saying that, like their neighbors to the west, the !Kung in the Na#Jaqna Conservancy, “we have been tolerant and followed due process but it did not have the desired effect. We have been forced to take this civil action to ensure that our land and resources are returned to the community to whom they rightfully belong.” If this step does not obtain justice for the Ju/’hoansi, they plan to appeal to international courts.

 

Paliyans in the Dindigul District of India’s Tamil Nadu state have finally succeeded in gaining the right to gather products in nearby forest lands.

The Sirumalai forested hills in the Dindigul District of Tamil Nadu
The Sirumalai forested hills in the Dindigul District of Tamil Nadu (Photo by Arulsjose in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

According to an article in The Hindu last week, they have been struggling since 2001 to gain the legal right to gather minor forest products in areas where they have traditionally harvested them. Their efforts were aided by the provisions of India’s Forest Rights Act of 2006.

T. Shankar, President of the Village Forest Committee of the K. C. Patti Panchayat, located in the district, told the paper, “We are the first in the State to enjoy such rights as the government recognised our claims to forest land, where we have been living and depending on …for our livelihood from time immemorial.” The Paliyans were held up in their quest by the fact that the Kodaikanal Hill in the district had been declared a wildlife sanctuary.

Naayuruvi (Achyranthes aspera), an herbal medicinal plant photographed in the Sirumalai Forest of the Dindigul District
Naayuruvi (Achyranthes aspera), an herbal medicinal plant photographed in the Sirumalai Forest of the Dindigul District (Photo by Thangaraj Kumaravel on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

After the Minister for Forests of the state, Dindigul C. Sreenivasan, distributed right of access documents to Paliyan representatives, K. Murugan, also from K. C. Patti  panchayat, told The Hindu, “Now, we can manage and conserve a part of reserve forests and collect, use and sell minor produces like honey and medicinal plants and raise crops on forest land.” Murugan expressed the hope that their children in the future will not be alienated from the forests. Most of the certificates were given to Paliyans in K.C. Patti and on Sirumalai Hill, a few miles from the town of Dindigul, but the article named several other Paliyan villages where certificates were also distributed.

Peter M. Gardner, the anthropologist who has done extensive fieldwork among the Paliyans, discussed their relationships with the forests and mountains that surround the valleys of Tamil Nadu in many of his writings. For instance, his 1985 article “Bicultural Oscillation as a Long-Term Adaptation to Cultural Frontiers: Cases and Questions” provided an interesting overview of their relationships with the forest—and with the Tamil majority people who dominate the valleys in that state.

Dindigul C. Sreenivasan, Minister for Forests of Tamil Nadu
Dindigul C. Sreenivasan, Minister for Forests of Tamil Nadu (Photo by Thangasam in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

He discussed a Paliyan village that had been established outside the forest but which was resettled by the government into a new housing project located farther away from it. Some Paliyans soon left for the forest or for other communities at the edge of it. Those who remained in the new settlement became quite agitated. They found the other, non-Paliyan members of their new village to be loud, judgmental, manipulative, and interfering with the affairs of others. And more to the point of last week’s news story, they felt very far away from the forest, which had become a 40 minute walk rather than just a 5 minute walk away. It appears from the recent news story as if the career politician and now minister of forests, Mr. Sreenivasan, may himself be sympathetic to those sentiments.

Gardner discussed the decisions that the Paliyans made, when not pressured by government agents, to live in bands within the forests, in the frontier zones at their edges, or in settlements well out into the valleys. Their decisions to move out of the forests were often motivated by economic and technological opportunities. But over 30 years ago, the forests retained strong values for the people. They symbolized their peaceful ways and their identity as a people. It is clear from the current news report that the Paliyans, even though they may not live right in the forests of the Dindigul District, have a strong desire to retain their connections to forest landscapes.

 

If the Tristan Islanders live on the remotest inhabited island on earth as they claim, than the Roman Catholic Church there must serve the world’s most remote parish. At least that’s the reasoning expressed in a recent article about the Catholic community on the island by Hugh Allan, the administrator of the Roman Catholic diocese of the Falkland Islands, Saint Helena, Ascension Island, and Tristan da Cunha.

A sign posted in the Settlement of Tristan da Cunha
A sign posted in the Settlement of Tristan da Cunha (All photos by Brian Gratwicke on Flickr, Creative Commons licenses)

Allan, who was a parish priest in the English city of Chelmsford from 2008 until 2016 when he was appointed to his current position, visited the island in January and February this year. He writes that he sailed from Cape Town on the Edinburgh, a fishing vessel that only has cramped berths for 12 passengers on the lengthy sea voyage to Tristan. There is no airport on the island.

He says that the island has 263 inhabitants, one third of whom are now Catholics. It might seem like a small number of people for a priest to travel such a distance to serve, “but the kindness and deep faith of the islanders made the long voyage well worthwhile,” he writes. He focuses his article on that faith: in the 1990s, when it had been some years since a priest had traveled to Tristan, the attendance for services in the church had fallen.

Saint Joseph’s Catholic Church on Tristan da Cunha
Saint Joseph’s Catholic Church on Tristan da Cunha

So, he writes, the remaining members of the church prayed for guidance and then decided that when God answered their prayers, they would need a bigger church building to house their increasing numbers. So they went ahead and built an even larger church and their prayers were answered—attendance increased to fill the new sanctuary. The parish is normally served by three catechists; a priest visits once a year, usually in September.

Allan saw frequent evidence of the kindness, love, and respect that the Islanders give to their elderly members. When the priest visited a 102-year old lady, the oldest person on the island, she was so delighted to have him come that she put in her teeth for the occasion. He writes that outsiders could learn a lot from the Islanders, such as their ability to accept life as a gift, their concern for the welfare of others, and, most of all, their propensity to be content with the lives they have. As a priest, his conclusion is not surprising: that while the Tristan Islanders have their worries and problems, their strength comes from their faith.

Inside St. Joseph’s Catholic Church on Tristan (Photo by Brian Gratwicke on Flickr, Creative Commons license)
Inside St. Joseph’s Catholic Church on Tristan

In his article, Allan recounts the history of the parish, which was founded by an Irish woman named Agnes Rogers, who is remembered to this day as “Granny Aggie.” According to the history of the parish in Peter Munch’s book Crisis in Utopia, Mrs. Rogers, born Agnes Smith, came to the island with her husband in 1908. But he died and she married an islander named William Rogers. According to Allan’s account, she worked as housekeeper for the administrator of the island.

Allan writes that she was under a lot of pressure to renounce her Catholic faith and conform to the ways of the rest of the Anglican people. But she resisted and was treated very badly for her obstinacy. The prejudice was so virulent that when food rations were scarce, she was not allowed to have any. In time, she stubbornly wore down the opposition and began the current parish in her own home.

The albatross stained glass window in St. Joseph’s Catholic Church
The albatross stained glass window in St. Joseph’s Catholic Church

Munch writes that she attended services at the Anglican Church in the Settlement for 24 years until a visiting priest in 1932 induced her to begin the current parish in her own home. Allan elaborates by writing that the priest, L.H. Barry, reported on his visit with Aggie and that “She heard Mass and went to the Sacraments, and her joy was great and touching to see.”

In any case, the services that Aggie started in her home soon evolved into a separate parish from the Anglican majority. The ups and downs of the St. Joseph’s parish are described in somewhat differing details by Allan and Munch, but significantly, while the church community was clearly diminishing in numbers when Munch was there in the early 1960s, Allan describes it as thriving today.

 

Charges have been filed against a man and his wife from a Fipa village in the Nkasi District of Tanzania that they sold off their teenage daughters to a 75-year old man. According to a report in the Daily News on March 19, the Rukwa Region police are hunting for Matembezi Mugo and his wife, who have fled from their village, Swaila, and have gone into hiding outside the area.

The shore of Lake Rukwa
The shore of Lake Rukwa (Photo by Lichinga in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Swaila, located about 30 miles northwest of Sumbawanga and 12 miles west of the shore of Lake Rukwa, is in the heart of traditional Fipa territory. The story about Swaila, covered by the Daily News reporter Peti Siyame, is that late in 2017, Mugo sold off his 16-year old daughter to another pastoralist in Swaila named Mtokambali Cheli, the 75-year old. Cheli paid Mugo a dowry of 50 head of cattle for the girl.

But when the girl discovered his age, and the fact that he already had four wives, she ran away. In addition to his four wives, the reporter calculated from his sources that Cheli has 50 children plus unknown numbers of grandchildren and great grandchildren. According to the neighbors, he has 14 children by his first wife, 13 by the second, 12 by the third, and 11 by the fourth.

According to the Rukwa Regional Police Commander, George Kyando, when Cheli discovered that his latest bride, the 16-year old, had fled, he went back to the parents, Mugo and his wife, and demanded the return of his dowry. His latest wife had run away. However, according to the police officer, “the Mugos consoled their in-law with another ‘wife’ aged 14 years old to fill the gap left by her fugitive sister…. because he was not ready at all to refund the dowry.”

Five young Tanzanian women in the Sumbawanga Regional Hospital
Five young Tanzanian women in the Sumbawanga Regional Hospital (Photo by Katy Woods for the White Ribbon Alliance on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The 14 year old also fled the home of her new “husband” and went to the police station in the town of Namanyere, about 20 miles west of Swaila. She is currently being sheltered by Ms. Anna Kisima, who is in charge of the Desk for Gender and Children of the Nkasi District Police, in her home in Namanyere. While the police are searching for the Mugos, they have already arrested Chele and are holding him in the Nkasi District Police Station.

It is clear from Kathleen Smythe’s book Fipa Families (2006) that forcibly marrying off teenage daughters was not a normal aspect of Fipa traditions or customs. Men and women interviewed by the author explained that while boys and girls often socialized with their friends and members of the opposite sex in recent decades, “it was ultimately the boy’s and girl’s own choice as to who their mate would be (p.43).”

Smythe discusses a custom, presumably now faded, of encouraging their adolescents to move into their own domiciles, called intuli, to live with their age-mates, to form their own relationships, and to ultimately choose their own spouses. Her sources, whose birth dates ranged from 1921 to 1961, described the work that children used to do, their transitions from childhood to adulthood, and the decisions they made about when and with whom they wanted to marry. It is not clear, unfortunately, what had gone wrong with the two men in Swaila to make them abuse the two Mugo children as they did.

 

A Syrian refugee family that moved to Canada in 2016 and the Hutterite family that sponsored them have become close friends, according to a CBC news story last week.

The farming country around Wawanesa, Manitoba
The farming country around Wawanesa, Manitoba (Photo by Jd. 101 on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Reyad Alhamud, the father in the Syrian family, told the reporter that he was impressed when he first met his Hutterite sponsors by the many similarities between the two families. They both work on farms and they both make most of the things that they need. “The work is the same,” he said. Their sponsors, Paul Waldner and his family, are members of the Green Acres Colony, located near Wawanesa, 20 miles from Brandon in southwestern Manitoba. Mr. Waldner is a teacher at the colony.

He made the decision to sponsor a family of Syrian refugees but first he had to gain support for his plan from the colony. So he spoke with his dad, who happens to be the minister as well as the president of Green Acres. His father’s comments were very supportive: “The Hutterites were refugees at one point as well. If it wasn’t for people helping them, we wouldn’t be here.” He said basically the same thing to a reporter in January 2017. With help from the Mennonite Central Committee, the Syrian family arrived on February 8, 2016, at the Winnipeg airport where the Hutterites met and welcomed them.

Downtown Wawanesa, Manitoba
Downtown Wawanesa, Manitoba (Photo by Jd. 101 on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Initially, Mr. Alhamud and his family lived in Wawanesa in a house that Waldner had gotten ready for them. The two families were close from the beginning, but there were some negative feelings among other members of the colony. “People would say, ‘How could you bring those people here?’” In time, however, the negative comments eased off.

Waldner and Alhamud quickly found similarities between the religious practices of the Hutterites on the one hand and of the Muslims on the other. They both pray several times each day, they both observe and celebrate holidays, and they both have buildings that they dedicate to their worship services—churches and mosques. Other Hutterites keep asking Waldner when he’s going to convert the Syrians to Christianity, and he keeps answering that he hasn’t observed anything about them that is not Christian.

Alhamud and his family subsequently moved from Wawanesa to the much larger community of Brandon where he hopes to find a job. Another church also sponsored one of his brothers to come to Brandon and, more recently, Waldner and the Mennonite Central Committee are working together to bring another brother of Alhamud’s and his family. The colony is preparing to sponsor them as well.

 

 

According to an article in The Hindu last week, some Paliyans acted heroically to help rescue trekkers in the mountains of Tamil Nadu who had been overcome by a forest fire.

View of the Western Ghats from the Kolukkumalai Peak
View of the Western Ghats from the Kolukkumalai Peak (Photo by Jan J George in the Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

When police and medical personnel wanted to launch a rescue operation for the trekkers in Kolukkumalai, located in the Theni district near Kurangani, they turned to the tribal people because of their intimate knowledge of the mountains and forests of the area. The fire claimed the lives of 10 trekkers but, journalist S. Vijay Kumar wrote, more were undoubtedly saved due to the quick actions of the Paliyans.

Survivors fleeing from the conflagration alerted police authorities in Kurangani around 3:30 p.m. on Sunday March 11 and they quickly turned to the local Paliyan people and some members of another tribal society, the Madhuva, who responded immediately. The Paliyans, who knew the area and possible escape routes, led rescue and medical crews into the affected areas. Little could be done to help fire victims with severe burns, but they led people who were able to move along forest trails to safer areas.

Forest fire in the Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary, in the Western Ghats (Photo by Jaseem Hamza in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

K. Venkadapathy, who is a trekking enthusiast from the small city of Bodinayakkanur in the Theni District, told the reporter that the group had become confused by the unfamiliar forest terrain of the Western Ghats mountain range. They had become anxious because of the intensity of the rapidly moving fire. Except for the assistance of the tribal people, who walked into the fire zone where the trekkers were trapped, they would not have been able to make it to safety. Venkadapathy indicated that the fire had been burning in the forest for about a week, but it began to spread very rapidly due to sudden high winds. He didn’t say why the trekkers had entered the forest in the first place under those conditions.

The Paliyan rescuers themselves would be the first to deny any heroism on their own part since traditionally they do like to stand out above others. Peter Gardner, in his article published in 2000 entitled “Respect and Nonviolence among Recently Sedentary Paliyan Foragers,” which is available as a PDF in this website, indicates that anything interfering with the autonomy of others is considered to be disrespectful. Gardner writes (p.220) that “Paliyans avoid all … comparative or evaluative discussion of abilities of people, even though some really are so much more skilled or knowledgeable than others [and the] Paliyans must be aware of this.”

They not only deny that as individuals they have more abilities than others, they reject the possibility of there being differences in strength or ability among people. They “are self-conscious about doing or receiving anything which sets them off from others,” according to Gardner.  The perception of equality is an absolute requirement for their sense of mutual respect and their beliefs in their own peacefulness.