Kerala tries to include its citizens in decision-making as a way of strengthening local communities, but it has not succeeded as far as the Kadar are concerned. The Indian state’s Kerala State Electricity Board (KSEB) has made few attempts to integrate its plans for power generation with the culture of its indigenous communities, a recent research article concludes.

Vazhachal Falls

The article, by Tamara Nair, reviews the impact of the proposed Athirapilly hydropower project on two Kadar communities that are near the dam site. The project, initiated by the KSEB in the 1980s, was proposed to be constructed about 400 m. above the Vazhachal Falls on Kerala’s Chalakkudy River. The designers argued it would generate 163 megawatts of electric power.

Nair’s study area encompassed the two Kadar villages most closely affected by the proposed project. The author did her research for a period of five months, in 2010 and 2011, by conducting in-depth, semi-structured interviews among the Kadar and others in the immediate area affected by the proposed dam. She reviews the assessments made of the project and the claims by the Kadar that they were not informed that the assessment was being conducted. They only learned of the proposed project from accounts in the media.

The Kadar told her repeatedly that because they had not been consulted during the planning process for the dam, they felt as if they had been relegated to the fringes of society. They compared their recent treatment with their feelings of being ostracized, which they have felt since before the independence of India.

In Kerala, the policy of decentralization, the official reasoning goes, promotes sustainable development—local people are supposed to form cooperatives that prioritize projects. They become involved in planning processes and sometimes are included in the implementation of projects. State officials feel that this reduces corruption and helps alleviate poverty. However, the way the proposed hydropower project has been managed so far has only marginalized the Kadar, she concludes.

Nair found out during her interviews that the Kadar live up to their name: “people of the forest,” in the languages of that part of South India, Malayalam and Tamil. She learned that the Kadar senses are acute when they are in the wilds; they are expert at collecting honey and other non-timber forest resources, which they bring out to sell to the people of the plains. They have also been employed by several biologists and the managers of important conservation projects over the past decade. They have expert levels of indigenous knowledge, Nair argues, that can be important assets for development planning.

The author describes the two Kadar communities closest to the planned hydropower project. Vazhachal is less than 400 m. downstream and the other, Pokalapara, is about 4 km. upstream. The Kadar felt that government officials attached no importance to them, so their input about the dam was irrelevant. Nair characterized their attitudes as “mostly of apathy and hopelessness (p.402).”

She found that both men and women were resigned to the situation: no changes were likely. When they had to deal with authority figures or government officials, they had little if any confidence that anything positive would come of it. They felt that they were the last people to be considered by officials, and they seemed resigned to their position on the fringes of society. They were used to it.

A few of the author’s Kadar informants, however, expressed indignation at the treatment they had been given, and they desired more and better attention. But those Kadar were the ones who had gotten some education and belonged to social groups. They saw the dismissiveness of their opinions by officials as evidence of a basic attitude that they were primitive, or backward, and thus really unable to discuss development concerns intelligently.

Nair discovered that local elected officials and administrators were often aware of the problems that beset the Kadar communities. For instance, alcohol abuse, primarily caused by men who commute into towns for odd jobs and quickly spend their wages on alcohol, is a serious problem—a point which an earlier news story had mentioned. This alcohol issue came up when the author interviewed local officials, though they tended to blame the Kadar themselves for the problem.

However, the Kadar women Nair interviewed told her that they had informed officials repeatedly about it. They accused the local government of being quite aware that the easy availability of cheap alcohol was causing problems in their communities and of doing nothing to stop it. They even accused local officials of profiting from the illegal sale of alcohol, an accusation the author was unable to verify.

Opponents of the dam construction project generally side with the Kadar. Their displacement out of their forest homes and into the towns because of the dam could cause them to become further marginalized. This might force the state to address new problems if and when the Kadar were forced to try and integrate more fully into the mainstream society. The “knowledge and practices [of the Kadar] might be obliterated should they be compelled to assimilate,” Nair writes (p.406).

In addition to having an impact on the Kadar communities, the project might also harm the conservation of wildlife in the area, Nair has found. She suggests that compromising endemic fish species in the Chalakkudy River, plus riverine vegetation and several species of wildlife, is an issue with global implications.

Nair argues that while no one is actively trying to prevent the Kadar from participating in the planning process, no one is actively fostering their participation either. Development proposals move down from state agencies like the KSEB to local governments to local communities—but the Kadar are left out.

Legal recourse does exist for them. A woman in the Vazhachal colony launched what is called a Public Interest Litigation in the Kerala High Court because her colony appeared to be removed from a map that demarcated the area of impact from the proposed dam. This same woman has registered complaints with various officials on other occasions about the sale of alcohol. Nair concludes, however, that these developments are matters of survival and struggle for the Kadar rather than, what they should be, issues of involvement and active participation.

Nair, Tamara. 2014. “Decentralization and the Cultural Politics of Natural Resource Management in Kerala, India.” Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 35(3): 397-411

The President of Namibia, Hage Geingob, paid a one-day familiarization visit to Tsumkwe on May 22 and the Ju/’hoansi people attending a general public forum complained volubly.

President Hage Geingob of Namibia (right) meets President Jacob Zuma of South Africa, May 6. 2015. Government ZA photo on Flickr, Creative Commons License

According to a news report last week in the New Era, a prominent Namibian daily newspaper owned by the government, the President listened to 45-year old Ngombe Ngombe complain about the main road into Tsumkwe. Even 25 years after the independence of Namibia, the road is still not paved and many people have been killed due to accidents caused by its condition, he said. Mr. Ngombe also complained about the fact that the Otjiherero Radio Service of the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation does not have a transmitter near the community.

Another local person, Dam Jackson, who is 35, asked the President about the fact that Tsumkwe doesn’t have adequate electricity service. Only a few residents, he said, are connected to a grid supplied by solar panels in the community.

The President and the cabinet ministers who accompanied him evidently grew impatient with the complaining. Mr. Geingob, who has only been president since March 20, responded that his government is working to develop the infrastructure for the entire nation. In the words of the New Era reporter, “he urged the Tsumkwe community to stop complaining all the time and instead to work hard.”

President Geingob added that the residents of Tsumkwe should develop small gardens, projects on which the government could provide some help, and stop badgering him when he visits the community. The news story listed nine government officials at the national and the regional level who attended the public meeting with the President, including Royal /Ui/o/oo, an official who is, himself, from the Ju/’hoansi society.

Another news story in the New Era on Thursday last week further explained the reasons the President spent a day in Tsumkwe. In a post on Facebook, Mr. Geingob evidently wrote that he wanted a comprehensive briefing on the state of things in Tsumkwe, and an understanding of the major concerns that the national government should deal with.

John Steytler, an official in the office of the presidency, explained to the newspaper that addressing poverty in Namibia is a top priority for the President. It is an issue that he personally wants to be closely involved with. It is significant that Geingob chose Tsumkwe as the setting for his declaration for an all-out campaign against poverty in his country. “The President selected Tsumkwe because it is the second most deprived community [in Namibia],” Mr. Steytler said.

The President added, in his Facebook post, “As I have said on numerous occasions, ‘No Namibian must feel left out.’ If that is the case, then ‘marginalized communities’ must come to an end. Marginalization must not be permanent otherwise it becomes a state of mind.”

The New Era reporter does not comment on the fact that complaining has been such a salient feature of traditional Ju/’hoansi society that numerous anthropologists have remarked on it over the years. Several analyzed the function of complaining among them. Lorna Marshall (1976) described the way that vociferous, and sometimes heated, oral communication allowed the Ju/’hoansi to relieve anxieties and tensions, which helped prevent pressures from developing into acts of aggression.

Similarly, Draper (1978) suggested that the Ju/’hoansi constantly bickered at each other as a safety valve for their aggressive feelings. They regularly badgered each other for gifts: the hunter who had to divide up the meat after a successful hunt had to withstand verbal abuse from everyone about the smallness of his or her portion.

Rosenberg (1990) provided perhaps the most detailed analysis of the Ju/’hoansi habit of complaining and why they do it. She explained that foremost among the complainers were the elderly, who were expected to complain—frequently—about the lack of care they felt they were receiving.

Complaining served the function of keeping services and goods circulating, of maintaining the egalitarian nature of Ju/’hoansi society, Rosenberg (1990) argued. Since there was no separation of family versus public interests, complaining allowed domestic issues to be resolved. It also helped to keep the complainer visible.

Furthermore, since there was no way for them to express any different ideology than sharing—they could not describe the concept of personal needs as distinct from group sharing—the complaining helped to reinforce their traditional sharing culture. She added that the only way the Ju/’hoansi competed with one another was in their complaining.

An outsider can only wonder if Royal /Ui/o/oo, the Ju/’hoansi official who is in the office of the President, will get his ear at some point and explain the cultural background to all the complaining he heard in Tsumkwe.

Officials in the Chittoor District of Andhra Pradesh have used the smuggling of red sanders trees as an excuse to prohibit local Yanadi from entering the forests to harvest non-timber resources. Many news sources have described the extensive violence that has been occurring in recent months between the police and large gangs of tree smugglers in southern India.

Red sanders trees in the Talakona Forest, Chatter District of Andhra Pradesh.

The issue is that the red sanders tree, Pterocarpis santalinus—also known as red sandalwood—is highly valued throughout Asia for its reddish wood. It grows into small trees in the forested hills at the southern end of the Eastern Ghats. According to a Wikipedia article, the wood has been prized for millennia and has been smuggled out of Andhra Pradesh so much that it is listed by the IUCN as an endangered species.

As a result, police in the state have gotten tough on anyone even entering the forests. Hence, the conflict with the Yanadi, who have historically subsisted on non-timber forest resources. The Hindu, a major Indian newspaper, visited a Yanadi community in the Chittoor District last week to investigate the situation.

A lot of the smuggling and violence reported in recent months has occurred in the Seshachalam forest, which stretches for 40 miles to the northwest of the small city of Tirupati, in southern Andhra Pradesh. Ironically, according to the news report, the illegal cutting of wood has increased recently—after the Yanadi were denied entry to the forests.

The reporter, A.D. Rangarajan, describes the effects on the Yanadi. There are 15,000 Yanadi families living in the Chittoor District who subsist on gathering tamarind, gooseberries, wild palm leaves, honey, grasses, and other forest products, much of which they sell in the nearby towns.

The reporter visited Kukkalagunta, a Yanadi village at the edge of the forest in the Yerpedu Mandal of Chittoor District to talk with the people. They expressed their upset that they are now barred from entering the nearby forest. It has always been their home. They have identity cards provided by the Girijan Cooperative Corporation, an NGO that advocates for the rights of tribal peoples in Andhra Pradesh and that sells their forest products. Even with those cards, they are still not permitted to enter the woods. Officials demand that visitors must possess a letter of permission from the Forest Minister—clearly just an excuse to keep people out.

Advocates for the Yanadi protest the fact that the new ban denies tens of thousands of tribal people from pursuing their livelihoods. Mr. Chandamamala Kotaiah, president of the Andhra Pradesh Yanadi Sangham (Society), argues that no Yanadi has ever been accused of stealing a red sanders tree, nor of helping a woodcutter.

The Yanadi in Kukkalagunta tell the reporter stories of their troubles. Nelluru Suraiah describes how he and his wife were beaten by forest officials, and he shows the marks of his injuries on his arms and legs to prove it. The reporter visits other Yanadi colonies where the stories are similar. K. Nagalakshmi, from one community, described how officials used harsh language to frighten Yanadi women away from the forest. Nagalakshmi alleged that officials would torture men who tried to defy the ban.

This news report contrasts with a much more hopeful report just three months ago about some Yandi families in the Chittoor District that are proving successful at managing fruit orchards that they have developed as part of a cooperative project.

Tahitians living near a subdivision under construction on Huahine are protesting the destruction of their natural environment, especially the backfilling of land on the shore of a small lake. An article last week in La Dépêche de Tahiti, a major Tahitian daily newspaper, describes the growing local controversy.

Archaeological site on the shore of Lake Fauna Nui, on Huahine Image by pablo fisher on flickr, Creative Commons license.

The north end of Huahine, one of the important islands in the Society Islands chain, is noted for its large, tidal lake, Lac Fauna Nui (Large Lake Fauna), a two and one-half mile long body of water. Numerous ancient sacred stone enclosures called marae, constructed by the Polynesians before the arrival of Europeans, are located along the shore of Fauna Nui.

Just 250 feet off the southwest corner of the large lake is the small lake affected by the development, called Lac Fauna Iti (Little Lake Fauna). The small lake is about one mile northeast of Fare, the major town on Huahine. To judge by the images on Google Earth, the little lake is round and between 750 and 800 feet across.

The backfilling that the Tahitians are protesting is easily visible on Google Earth on the north side of the small lake, which provides an image dated April 12, 2014. The subdivision under construction is on the opposite side of the road leading north toward the Huahine airport.

At a meeting attended by the newspaper reporter, residents expressed concern that the growing fill has removed reeds, part of the thick vegetation around the lakeshore. The reporter, Malissa Itchner, quotes a local man, Claude Chong, who explains that the thick reeds perform a natural filtering action to protect the fish fry.

Mr. Chong decries the growing embankment because it is encroaching on the little lake. He believes that protecting the natural ecosystem is essential for the inhabitants of the Maeva district, a rural area at the northern end of Huahine. “What will we leave our children and grandchildren [if the destruction of the lake continues]? We ask [the] owners to stop their work immediately,” he says in the words of the Google translation. He alleges that public officials may have been corrupt when they signed off on permission for the development.

Benjamin Caminn Teiho, who represents an association called Maeva Ia Ora, also challenges the destruction. He suggests that the owners of the development did not have proper authorization for filling in the lakeshore. He does not express opposition to the development itself, but his group is vehemently opposed to destroying the little lake. “This is our hatchery our nursery to fish, and developers do not respect this ancient site,” he says.

Ms. Itchner contacted the manager of the subdivision, who at first expressed an unwillingness to speak on the telephone, but then went on to defend the development. The reporter carefully describes the natural filter between the two lakes: stones, sand, seaweed, and reeds, and the abundance and variety of fish species that are harvested from the big lake. But the emphasis of her informants on the importance to them of the natural ecosystem, beliefs derived from their traditional Tahitian culture, is most revealing.

Richard Maiterai told the visitor that their ancestors placed stones around the small lake to help the fish and to provide a protected environment, so the fish eggs could safely hatch. They didn’t have to provide an exit from the small lake to the much larger one because the reeds and tides allowed for safe exchanges between the two bodies of water. Mr. Maiterai explained to Ms. Itchner that the sacred tradition, the tapu, was very powerful at that spot, and it was respected. As an example, he said that menstruating women traditionally would not enter the lake.Although he compared traditional sources of pollution with the contemporary violations of the lake, he especially condemned the latter.

Huahine, while not overflowing with tourists as much as Tahiti, Bora Bora and Moorea, retains stronger connections to traditional Tahitian culture than the others. Levy (1973) explains in some detail the belief in tapu that Mr. Maiterai referred to. It evidently was a traditional Tahitian concept combining the ideas of sacredness and prohibition. A small lake might be sacred enough that polluting events—a menstruating woman entering the water, or backfill from a development on its shores—would not be allowed. Either of the two aspects of tapu, the sacred or the prohibited, might predominate in any given situation, according to Levy, depending on circumstances.

The English word taboo, a prohibition based on the sacred nature of something, is derived from the Polynesian tapu, or tabu. For the Tahitians, the traditional concept of tapu had even broader ramifications. Levy (1973) writes that tapu not only prevented activities thought to be contaminating, it also provided the basis for the political and social controls of society. Those controls helped prevent conflicts from degenerating into acts of violence and formed their mostly peaceful society.

Traditional Polynesian terms, such as tapu, and the controls it implied, were still important in rural Tahitian society when Levy did his field work on Huahine from 1964 to 1966. To judge by Mr. Maiterai’s comments to the reporter last week, they still are valued, at least to an extent for some Tahitians.

The Lepchas are confronting the authorities in India’s West Bengal state over their right to have their language taught in the local schools. The controversy, covered in the Indian news media over the past month, echoes the even more serious conflicts of two years ago when the Lepchas sought to dramatize the discrimination they suffered through nonviolent protests—much as they are doing now.

Part of the town Kalimpong looking North at the Himalaya range in Sikkim. Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons License.

While the conflict this time does not threaten to spill over into violence, it does indicate the seriousness that the Lepchas attach to preserving their culture by including their language in the school curriculum. It also demonstrates the way they cherish the Gandhian approaches to dramatizing their position.

The current conflict began in June 2014 when the state notified officials in its Darjeeling District to begin the process of appointing 46 people to teach Lepcha in 46 different schools in the district. The Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), a semi-autonomous governmental body in Darjeeling that has some formal administrative responsibilities, decided, however, that it would not proceed in the matter.

The Gorkhas are more numerous—and more aggressive—than the Lepchas in the Darjeeling District. The GTA spokesperson, Roshan Giri, told the district magistrate to not go ahead with the notification process. The agency had decided that it alone had the right to interview and appoint teachers in Darjeeling.

The process continued, however, and by August last year the paraprofessional teachers had been appointed. The GTA filed a case in the state High Court on March 20, 2015, for a stay of the decision, but the court denied it. The matter was further intensified on April 1 when 33 out of the 46 teachers, who had received their appointment letters, were not allowed to enter the primary schools to which they had been assigned.

On April 20 (some sources say on April 17), all 46 teachers, 27 of whom are men and 19 women, launched a dharna, a term used in India for a general sit-down, protest strike. Also on April 20, the High Court further directed the state government to explain why it was having such frequent conflicts with the GTA over issues such as this.

The teachers began their sit-down protest in front of the office of the Sub-Inspector of Schools in Kalimpong, but on May 5 they shifted their action to the more public Triangular Park in the same town. They believed that the change in location would give them more exposure. Robert Lepcha, a leader of the protesters, explained the move by saying that because “the dharna has not been effective so far, we feel it is necessary that it gets [more] public attention.” The dharna had been conducted from dawn to dusk daily, but in its new location, the Lepchas vowed it would be maintained continuously.

Bimal Gurung, the GTA leader, suggested that paraprofessional teachers should be hired to teach the 11 other local languages spoken in the district. Robert Lepcha, asked about that proposal, said he thought it was a fine idea, and his group would support it.

On Monday last week, the Lepchas ratcheted up their pressure on the GTA to formally appoint the 46 people. If the appointments were not made by Thursday last week, they said, they would begin an indefinite hunger strike. Mr. Gurung replied by reiterating his position, that the act that established the GTA gave the power of appointing teachers only to his agency, despite what the High Court had ruled.

Robert Lepcha responded, “Why should anyone oppose us getting jobs? We are all unemployed…. However, our plight doesn’t seem to make any sense to the [GTA] administration.”

It was clear from an earlier news report, in February 2014, that the Lepchas in Sikkim take education very seriously, and the stories over the past month suggest that the ones to the south, in West Bengal state, are similarly committed to having their children at least taught their own language.

The showdown began at 7:45 AM on Friday, November 19, 1965, when a school bus pulled out of Oelwein, a city in northeastern Iowa, headed for the Old Order Amish settlement a few miles away. The Amish had established two of their own schools, staffed by uncertified teachers, a violation of Iowa law at the time.

Oelwein, Iowa, school students

Amish parents were determined to prevent their children from being exposed to the values of the larger society in the new, consolidated schools. After extensive negotiations had failed, the district superintendent, Arthur Sensor, was determined to settle the matter once and for all by going out to get the kids in a school bus and take them to school himself.

The Amish knew the English were coming, and they were determined to use nonresistance to thwart any sneak attack. The Des Moines Register last week carefully reviewed the situation that developed that April day nearly 50 years ago at the Amish school, a crisis that precipitated headlines nationwide.

However, an even more detailed account was provided by Erickson (1969), though the facts provided in the two descriptions are essentially the same. The story is a good example of the ways the Amish practice nonresistance. The bus stopped at the much smaller city of Hazleton, just south of Oelwein, to pick up the principal of the Hazleton Elementary School, Owen Snively. Mr. Snively, who had just been appointed temporary truant officer, had built up a good rapport with the Amish people. He joined Sensor and a school nurse on the bus.

Their plan was to try and persuade the Amish children to ride the bus back to the Hazleton Elementary School. The bus stopped at one Amish farm after another, trying to find children. At each stop, Snively told the parents that he was acting under the authority of Iowa’s truancy statute and he was there to take their children to the Hazleton School. The parents denied that their kids were around, without admitting that they were either hiding in the woods or somewhere else on the farm. The bus driver reported he had seen Christ Raber’s children peeking through a doorway while Mr. Raber was denying that his kids were at home.

Finally, the driver turned the empty bus toward what was called the South School, where many of the Amish children had, in fact, already gone. When it pulled into the school yard, Mr. Sensor counted 17 carloads of sightseers and news reporters waiting for the drama to begin. Many Amish fathers and mothers were also there as well as Fred Beier, the county sheriff, plus the county attorney and the deputy sheriff.

They all entered the school and Snively told everyone why they were there. He asked the children to be good and assured them that he was their friend. He promised them they would all be warmly welcomed in Hazleton. He asked them to line up behind Sheriff Beier, who would lead them out to the bus. Most were outside the school in the line walking slowly toward the bus when someone—one of the mothers or perhaps the teacher—hollered “run” in German.

The kids all took off. They scrambled over, under and through a barbed wire fence at the back of the schoolyard, dashed out into a cornfield, and disappeared into a woods. One fat kid, 13 year old Emmanuel Borntreger, ran right into the arms of the deputy sheriff, who escorted his weeping prey to the bus. A little six year old, Sara Schmucker, got confused and dissolved in tears not too far into the cornfield. Superintendent Sensor caught her. He took her to one of the parked cars to try and calm her down.

Photographs of Amish children leaping the barbed wire fence made the national news that night. A photographer mentioned to Mr. Snively that some children were hiding in the classroom—he said he had seen them peering out the windows. He then snapped a picture of Snively standing on his tiptoes peering into the school. Other photos showed the county attorney stalking along the fence searching for his quarry, a girl looking back in terror as she ran, the captured fat kid being led by two husky men toward the bus, and the teacher wiping tears off her face as her pupils fled.

The men decided to return the two captives, Emmanuel and Sara, to the school and leave. They urged the adults to get the children back inside—it was a cold day—and they assured everyone they would not bother them anymore. They went back to the Hazleton School, waited until the noon hour, and returned to the two Amish schools. The parents and news media had all left by then and the children, of course, offered no resistance.

The officials, having learned their lesson, took the kids one by one out to the school bus and finally away to the Hazleton School for the afternoon. Everything went well. The school provided cookies and milk, the other children helped host the newcomers, and the teacher gave them books and materials. Some of the children were clearly shaken—they had been forced to disobey their parents—but others seemed to view it all as a big adventure. They joked and sang on the bus on the way home.

By Monday morning, the Amish were prepared for trouble—sort of. When the bus drove into the schoolyard of the North School, chaos broke out. Stern-faced Amish men stood around outside, women wept inside, and children screamed when the grim looking officials pushed their way into the schoolroom. The teacher led the children in half-hysterical choruses of “Jesus Loves Me.” Mothers protectively embraced their children, girls huddled in a corner and wept, and a schoolboy clung screaming to his desk when the truant officer attempted to pry him off.

The flashbulbs from the news photographers kept popping until the school officials finally gave up and retreated outside. Sensor, Beier, and the County Attorney all took a plane to the state capital, Des Moines, to discuss the situation with the governor.

Across the nation, public opinion condemned the Iowa school bus kidnappings. The issue of whether a minority group had the right to preserve its traditions by educating its children in its own way was not settled in the press, but almost everyone agreed that the kids were innocent. They should be left alone.

However, while their plight made an impact on the nation, local public opinion in Hazleton remained anti-Amish, according to Erickson (1969). Hostility there was stronger than in many other Iowa communities in the mid-1960s that had nearby Amish settlements. Several legionnaires in town resented the fact that the Amish had not fought in recent wars. A few people, who had lost family members in battle, seemed to blame the deaths on the Amish

The Des Moines Register, in its story last week, interviewed former superintendent Arthur Sensor, who is now 94. He expressed deep regrets that he had followed the laws of the state of Iowa at the time. If he could do it all over again, he said, he would resign his position rather than attempt to compel the Amish kids to do what their parents did not want them to do. Amish people interviewed by the paper indicated that the incident is not discussed much in their community.

The drama those two days resulted in popular support for greater religious liberties, which produced exemptions to the Iowa school laws for the Amish that remain in effect to this day. But the events of November 1965 are more significant even than that.

Fifty years ago, and to this day, the Amish would never compromise on the perpetuation of their religious and cultural values. They reacted to the oppressive attempts by the majority society to control their children with their own approaches to expressive nonresistance. They protested. They ran. They hid. They lied. They made lots of noise. But they didn’t give in. They did not just talk about nonresistance—they practiced it, actively, passionately, perhaps deceptively, and almost forcefully. They demonstrated that nonresistance, at least in their society, can be an active way of living rather than just a passive phenomenon.

The Zapotec living in the mountains north of Oaxaca City had a violent history in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a subject that a recent journal article carefully explores. Patrick J. McNamara writes an essay about the local people fighting against the outside forces of industrial owners, whose practices threatened the lives of the workers.

Vicinity of NatividadMcNamara argues that much of that violent history is hidden, and mostly unacknowledged, by the Zapotec people themselves. The author focuses on two sites in the mountainous Ixtlán District, of Mexico’s Oaxaca State, places that prod his analysis of the violence: the large ruins of a textile factory and a small mining museum in another community.

He starts by discussing a modest museum located right next to a gold mine in the town of Natividad, which he visited as part of a research project. As he wandered about the town taking pictures of the gold mining operations, he met a man named Arrón Cruz, a member of the town council, who was quite helpful and friendly toward him. Sr. Cruz offered to show him the new mining museum that had opened just a year earlier.

A young woman who was in charge of the museum that day deferred to Cruz, who gave the author a personal tour. The official initially said that photographs were not allowed in the museum, but when the author started talking knowledgeably about the history of the mine, he softened and allowed McNamara to take as many pictures as he wished.

The displays at the Museo Comunitaria Minerero de Natividad, located quite near the actual mine, included old photographs, maps, old lamps, pieces of machinery, hard hats, and material on the miner’s union. It included a walk-through model of a mineshaft, the dug-out tree trunks that the miners used for ladders, a grinding stone called la rastra, and a display showing the processing of ore in order to extract gold.

McNamara writes that the museum represents an attempt by the community and the workers to tell their own story—not of peasants tilling the land, but of people doing industrial labor. It includes mostly objects, with few documents and letters on display. Most critically, it avoids telling the story of the conflicts that occurred at the mine. It does not mention the confrontation between the miners and the owners over their rights to take ore for their own processing at home. It doesn’t describe the tensions when the owners installed an electric fence to keep out the workers. It ignores the fact that the workers burned down the company store.

The author speculates that additional conflicts are possible. An international corporation is planning to expand mining in the area, a fact that Zapotec activists oppose. The museum sanitizes the history to keep the conflicts hidden.

Employment at the mine reached nearly 1,000 workers from throughout the region in the late 1920s, after the miners themselves discovered a particularly rich vein of ore which resulted in the tripling of production. However, employment at the mine since then has dropped by 90 percent.

The other industrial site the author visits is the ruins of a large textile factory in the Xía Valley. This is a site that has no official history. There is no museum, there are no guides, and, in fact, many Zapotec in the region are unaware of it. Several times, the author writes, during armed struggles in the area, one armed group or another would occupy the factory to make their last stand, the thick walls of the building offering fortress-like safety.

In fact, that is exactly what happened. A separatist movement between 1915 and 1920 came to an end when an army arrived in the Sierra to put down the rebellion. The Zapotecs occupied the huge building, which was then destroyed by the army.

McNamara builds out of his experiences at those two sites what he refers to as his own Zapotec Museum. The museum he imagines would not focus on the romanticized Zapotec past of glorious, prehistoric ruins, of the creative productions of artisans, or of peasant farmers, costumes, and dances. Instead, the museum he fantasizes about would highlight the history of industrial conflict and violence.

His museum would make the point that the mine at Natividad and the textile factory in the Xía Valley paid wages below the national average for comparable types of work. Workers at the Zapotec mine were paid one peso per day, while miners in other parts of the country were paid three. Similarly, textile workers at Xía were paid 60 centavos for men and 40 for women, far below the national average at the time of 1.25 pesos per day. A new national minimum wage passed in 1912 was denied to the textile factory workers—because they were Zapotec.

The issue, McNamara argues, was the ethnic identity of the workers. They were categorized as “Indian”, and thus not entitled to the same wages as other workers. The author lets his anger at the historical injustices shine through in his writing: “Industrial capitalism was categorically at odds with being ‘Indian.’ Wage labor became a stick to beat out ethnic identity… (p.677).”

His imaginative museum would emphasize the conflicts that roiled the history of the mine and the textile factory. He points out that more miners have died at Natividad than at any other mine in Mexico. In contrast to the happy workers displayed in the exhibits at the real museum, the miners in his imagination would be depicted as tired, dirty, and somber. A museum at the textile ruins would show worker unrest and riots, people suffering and abused, yet able to survive on very low wages.

In the end, he recognizes, his museum would not be what the Zapotec of Natividad and in the Xía Valley wish to display. They want more of a sunny history, one that shows their ancestors surviving harsh working conditions, triumphing over adversity. They really want to “emphasize cooperation between owners and workers, a moment of economic prosperity or at least economic possibility,” he concludes (p.678).

McNamara, Patrick J. 2014, “My Zapotec Museum: Violence, Capitalism, and Memory in Oaxaca, Mexico.” Ethnohistory 61(4): 671-679.

Piita Irniq argues that the best way to overcome a tendency toward violence in young Inuit males is for other men to help them reconnect with their cultural history. As an example, he told Sarah Rogers, a reporter for Nunatsiaq Online last week, “I’d like to see men making small qamutiit [sleds] for babies and children to be pulled in, so we can take back the respect men always had in the community.”

Igloos to microwave ovens

The reporter focuses her story on the basic concept of men helping other men. She describes several organizations in Inuit communities of northern Canada where men’s groups are trying to make a difference. Mr. Irniq, who is a former politician from Nunavut as well as an advocate for Inuit culture, argues that the rapid pace of change has overwhelmed the people. He reasons, “we’ve gone from igloos to microwaves in less than 50 years,” so it is hard for individuals to cope alone. Hence, the need for associations to promote healthy activities.

Several incidents of violence have captured news headlines. Lengthy armed standoffs in Iqaluit spanning several days shut down neighborhoods; desperate armed men barricaded themselves in houses in other Inuit communities. In not much more than a month this spring, on at least five different occasions, armed men confronted the police. These incidents appear to be caused by young men—much more than by young women—who struggle with personal issues that they can’t resolve.

Mr. Irniq and other leaders realize that it is essential to reach out to the troubled young men. Irniq focuses on the traditional culture of the Inuit. He goes into communities or prisons and attempts to teach what he refers to as “traditional tools,” skills that men can pick up and use to help their families.

Unaaq, a men’s association in the town of Inukjuak, in northern Quebec, got started because community leaders realized something had to be done to deal with the addictions, suicides, traumas, and violence of the young men. Tommy Palliser, a founding member of Unaaq, feels that his group has had a positive impact by holding discussion forums, organizing workshops, and teaching traditional skills.

While Unaaq has an open membership, it focuses on men between the ages of 15 and 35. Palliser tells Ms. Rogers that most of the harmful incidents in their community are caused by young men of that age. They are on welfare, have little education, and simply do not have much to do. A youth late one night last month was shot and killed when he attempted to enter the police station armed with a knife. A 24-year old man held his family hostage for two days before killing himself with his gun. Unaaq tries to prevent these sorts of incidents with its programs.

Palliser says that one of its primary goals is to keep the young men busy. It is trying to develop technical training programs in the community in order to help men get better jobs. Some of them are working as drivers of water trucks, or as janitors, but that sort of work can be repetitive and boring for the men. A lot of them, he says, would like to get more education, but that poses a challenge.

In Rankin Inlet, a Nunavut community on the other side of Hudson Bay, Noel Kaludjak has helped develop a men’s support group called Angutiit Makgiangninga—Men Rising Up. According to Kaludjak, who has, himself, been healing from his past, the name of the group means that the men are “getting up from abuse, anger, alcohol—all the pain from our hearts.”

Mr. Kaludjak says that anyone is welcome to join the informal network, but they do find that if a woman is present, the men have a harder time speaking frankly about their problems. “When we sit together, we understand what the other one is going through,” he says.

Kaludjak blames the recent, well-publicized incidents of violence on people who come from insecure backgrounds. He says his group is attempting to help men become better able to connect with their wives and to raise their children more effectively.

While the journalist does not refer to Jean Briggs’ descriptions of the traditional Inuit ways of controlling anger and helping prevent violence, the essence of the news story is that Inuit leaders understand that they must proactively attempt to rebuild traditions of their culture that helped control violence in the past.

Norwegian sociologist Peter Munch noticed during his fieldwork on Tristan da Cunha in 1937–38 that the Islanders consumed no alcohol. The reason, he wrote in his book The Sociology of Tristan da Cunha (1945), was that they “attach much importance to dignity in every situation (p.68).”

As a result, they not only would not consume any alcohol on the island, they wouldn’t even take a drink if offered one on a visiting ship. Munch did suspect that most of the men had tasted alcohol once or twice, but nonetheless they attached a lot of value to not “losing control of their conduct”—i.e., to always maintaining their peacefulness.
Northern Ireland Co-operation Overseas advertisement

But times and conditions have changed. Much more recently, Conrad Glass (2011) writes that alcohol is now accepted on Tristan. He decries the “casual acceptance” (p.141) of alcohol nowadays—it is an important aspect of the Tristan way of life. Evidently, problems have become severe enough that a position was advertised last week for a professional counsellor who can work with the Islanders on controlling alcohol abuse.

The position, Alcohol Counselor, has been listed in the website of the organization Northern Ireland Co-operation Overseas (NICO). It seeks experienced candidates willing to work with the Islanders for a period of at least six months.

NICO is “a not for profit, public body dedicated to the pursuit of building efficient, accountable and sustainable public sector institutions capable of managing donor aid effectively and implementing positive change,” according to the website. The Alcohol Counsellor is clearly expected to work for positive changes on Tristan.

The story was picked up on Wednesday last week by the news site Belfastlive, then on Thursday by the Mirror, the website of the Daily Mirror, a major British tabloid. The best information, however, is found on the job posting itself, on the NICO website. It indicates that candidates, who would begin their service on Tristan in September 2015, would need to have the appropriate professional counselling qualifications and certification, and would need to have at least 10 years experience handling alcohol dependency and abuse problems.

The principle objective of the new position is “to provide counseling services to those impacted by alcohol abuse/dependency related issue within the island population.” The preferred applicant should be able to commit to the post for six months on the island, but if not, a candidate who can commit to a shorter period of time, with a follow-up revisit later, would be considered.

An important aspect of providing counselling services will be for the Alcohol Counsellor to develop trust with the 270 Tristan Islanders in order to engage with individuals who may benefit from professional support. The successful candidate will need to provide an environment where families and individuals can review alcohol related issues. The counsellor should seek to educate the people about alcohol and health problems. He or she will work with the resident doctor on health related messages.

The ad is quite frank in its assessment of the working conditions: “This job will be challenging and demanding as you will often be working on your own as the sole provider of counselling services on the Island. Irregular or longer than usual working hours are to be expected.”

Salary will be £24,000 to £32,000 per year, depending on experience. The successful applicant will be expected to ship out of Cape Town on or about September 3, 2015, for Tristan, and will be returning to the city on or about March 2, 2016.

The position announcement includes a very detailed statement of the health policy of the Government of Tristan da Cunha. Among the many background details it provides is the following description of the issue on the island: “As in the rest of the world, alcohol consumption is high and it is important to provide the necessary literature to educate the community to the health and social implications of alcohol abuse. The lack of other activities and sport facilities does not leave the community with much else to do than to socialise.”

The Tristan Islanders are not alone among the peaceful societies in recognizing the potentially harmful effects of alcohol consumption in a society that has not used it previously. A news story in May 2014 reported on the apparently successful attempts of a Yanadi community to minimize drinking. Another, in May 2011, reported on problem drinking in a Kadar community. There have been numerous others, though the Tristan approach of hiring a professional counselor to live for a while in a remote, small-scale peaceful society appears to be unique.

Every spring and summer, Queen Elizabeth I of England repeatedly ventured out on a “progress,” a series of visits to communities in her realm so she could interact with her subjects. Over the course of her reign, from 1558 to 1603, she visited over 400 hosts, both communities and individual aristocrats who could entertain her in proper style. Building popularity, making public appearances, enjoying lavish ceremonies, and keeping an ear to the ground all motivated the queen and played an important part in the rule of that wise monarch (Cole 2011).

While political rulers today do not need to emulate the queen’s progress—they have many other ways, such as the social media, for keeping up contacts with voters—smart officials still find it is important to directly interact with the people they govern. Rigzin Spalbar, the chief executive of the Leh District in Ladakh, went on a six-day “progress” of sorts last week.

A major news source in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, Scoop News, covered most of his visits to the villages of the Changthang area, the remote mountainous section of southeastern Ladakh bordering on Tibet. While Spalbar may not have worn the jewels and crown of a British monarch, his visits were filled with ceremony, substance, and importance to the local people.

The accounts in Scoop News on April 29 about day two of the tour, on April 30 about day three, on May 1 of day four, and on May 2 of day five are repetitive in some ways—similar issues concern the villagers—but Mr. Spalbar evidently listened carefully. The fascination of the accounts is in the way the whole affair progressed. Mr. Spalbar went from village to village, was welcomed with ceremonies, dedicated new facilities, had public meetings, heard the complaints of the people, took actions, and went on to the next village.

The details provide glimpses into the issues that are important to the rural Ladakhi people. And one thing is clear: it would be a mistake to compare remote, rural Ladakh with 16th century England. The concerns of the people are quite contemporary. Ladakhis in several communities complained, for instance, about the quality of the reception from their local cell phone towers—they do not provide adequate service.

Nyoma, Ladakh

On his second day in Changthang, the Chief Executive Councilor (the news reports refer to Spalbar as the CEC) of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council inaugurated a foot bridge over the Indus River at the village of Kesar. Then, he inaugurated a Veterinary Hospital at Nyoma. Also at Nyoma, he opened an Anganwadi Center, a healthcare facility in the community.

At Chumathang, the villagers articulated their requests: for a residential school, for the paving of a major road, and for the completion of an irrigation channel. Mr. Spalbar responded that the residential school was beyond the bounds of the budget at the present time, but with regards to the other issues, he gave orders on the spot to officers and engineers who were part of his party to immediately look into the grievances of the people. It is clear he wanted progress in the region.

To a request from the people of another village for help in getting a Yak cheese industry started, he replied by instructing one of his officials to begin a training program in the community for starting their business. And do it within one week. The people in various communities complained about their supply of electricity, their lack of a bank branch, their need for a doctor, the need for hand water pumps, the desire for another solar power plant, improvements to rural roads, repairs of bridges, construction of a storage facility for food, new veterinary facilities, and on and on.

For his part, the CEC emphasized in his speeches issues that are of paramount concern to him: education and care for the less privileged members of the community. During the second day of his progress, he congratulated the people of Nyoma for their efforts to improve the quality of education in their schools. The higher secondary school in that community has been achieving significant results, he told his audience, and he urged the people to continue their focus on education.

He evidently emphasized this theme throughout his six-day tour. The children of the Changthang need good educations, which are an important investment so they can get good jobs in an increasingly competitive era. He urged the people to use their earnings from the pashmina trade, and from whatever other sources they may have, to invest in education. In the village of Chushul, on the fourth day of his trip, he repeated his message about the importance of a high quality education for all students.

He also talked about the need for improvement in the care of the elderly and the physically disabled. He inquired about how effectively the government’s old age pensions are providing for elderly people and the physically challenged. In one community, he ordered the District Social Welfare Officer to survey the villages to find out exactly how well the elderly and the physically handicapped are being covered under the appropriate government pension schemes.

The news reports on Mr. Spalbar’s tour certainly give clues as to the progress—and perhaps the lack thereof—of development in the Changthang region of Ladakh.