A large luxury cruise liner is following the Northwest Passage from Alaska to Greenland, allowing over 1,000 passengers to visit some Inuit communities and to view glaciers, icebergs, and wildlife along the way. The ship left Seward, Alaska, on August 16 and is due to end the voyage in New York City on September 17. Both the Guardian and the Globe and Mail covered the highly controversial development.

The Crystal Serenity in Queen Charlotte Sound, New Zealand
The Crystal Serenity in Queen Charlotte Sound, New Zealand (Photo by Sid Mosdell on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The ship, the Crystal Serenity, has a crew of nearly 700 and holds 1,070 passengers on the sold-out voyage. The passengers have paid, per person, between US$22,000 and $120,000 for the lavish, 32 day trip. Other much smaller cruise ships have entered the same waters in recent years, but this vessel, over 900 feet long and weighing 69,000 tons, is certainly the largest so far. It suggests the likelihood of regular visits by mega-liners into this part of the Arctic.

It also suggests very significant implications for the land, the ice-free waters, the wildlife that depends on the pristine Arctic ecosystem, and the Inuit living in the small communities who will have to host the hordes of visitors. Whether the Inuit will suffer from the wealthy tourists or benefit from them is an important aspect of the controversy.

An igloo with sun-bleached seal skins in Ulukhaktok
An igloo with sun-bleached seal skins in Ulukhaktok (Photo by Scott Lough on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The first Inuit community the Crystal Serenity visited was Ulukhaktok, located on the west coast of Victoria Island in the Northwest Territories of Canada. A small hamlet of 400 people, visitors from the ship well outnumbered the inhabitants. Inuit leaders expressed fears that visits such as this by giant cruise liners could overwhelm the tiny, fragile villages. The two newspaper articles indicated that the industry is watching the development closely—a new, untapped frontier for cruising may be opening.

Professor Michael Byers, from the University of British Columbia and an expert on international law, referred to the cruise as “extinction tourism,” referring to possible harm to both the natural environment and the human communities. “Making this trip has only become possible because carbon emissions have so warmed the atmosphere that Arctic sea ice in summer is disappearing,” he said. “The terrible irony is that this ship—which even has a helicopter for sightseeing and a huge staff-to-passenger ratio—has an enormous carbon footprint that is only going to make things even worse in the Arctic.”

Prof. Byers did acknowledge that Crystal Cruises, the owner of the ship, has done an excellent job of preparing for the trip. It has spent three years planning for the voyage, anticipating many possible difficult scenarios and preparing well for them. The British Royal Research Ship Ernest Shackleton, an icebreaker, is accompanying the Crystal Serenity on the voyage. But the prospect of mass tourism in the High Arctic may well spell disaster at some point in the future, particularly if a tour company mismanages a cruise and a big ship crashes on uncharted rocks, of which there are many.

Cambridge Bay, on Victoria Island
Cambridge Bay, on Victoria Island (Photo by Ansgar Walk in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

After it left Ulukhaktok, the Crystal Serenity moved on to Cambridge Bay, on the south shore of Victoria Island in Nunavut. With four times as many people as Ulukhaktok—over 1,600 residents—Cambridge Bay is better prepared for masses of tourists than the smaller village. Vicki Aitaok, the cruise-ship coordinator for Cambridge Bay, organizes visits from the various small vessels that pull into her town in late August and early September each year. The visits have normally been for just an afternoon, when the town welcomes about 100 passengers from the smaller boats. The visit by the Serenity required much more organization.

The ship was to have arrived in Cambridge Bay on August 29th. Ms. Aitaok organized a cultural camp that included Inuit throat singing, displays of traditional dress, and bannock to eat. She also provided an arts and crafts fair in the community hall. “This is their big shopping stop, which we are very happy about,” she said enthusiastically. The town was prepared to nearly double its population for a 13-hour period, and Ms. Aitaok had everything precisely organized to move the 1,000 or more visitors through during the stopover.

Ms. Aitaok echoed the enthusiasm for the Crystal Cruises organization expressed by Prof. Byers. They were planning to employ a local Inuit guide to explain indigenous traditions, with the guide also attempting to elicit pride among the locals for their own ways. “Crystal’s done everything right,” Ms. Aitaok said. “They’re setting a high standard that I don’t know if other ships will be able to match.”

A Pond Inlet group singing during the “2011 Northern Tour for Heads of Diplomatic Missions,” attended by David Jacobson, U.S. Ambassador to Canada
A Pond Inlet group singing during the “2011 Northern Tour for Heads of Diplomatic Missions,” attended by David Jacobson, U.S. Ambassador to Canada (Photo by U.S. Embassy Canada on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The third Inuit community the ship is scheduled to visit is Pond Inlet on September 5. Pond Inlet is located on the northern end of Baffin Island and has about the same number of inhabitants as Cambridge Bay—almost 1,600 people. Like Cambridge Bay, it has hosted numerous visitors over the years. The exponential growth of tourists—coming at one time in one huge ship—may or may not have a severe impact on the Inuit. It is not clear yet.

Okalik Eegeesiak, the Chair of the Inuit Circumpolar Council, told the Guardian reporter, “far too many people will be descending suddenly into these communities and bringing far too much garbage with them. These places lack the infrastructure and the training to deal with the incredible numbers of people that will start arriving on these boats.”

She added that a major issue for many Inuit is that they still rely for their food on what they can kill and catch in the waters around them. The food chain is threatened by global climate change, which is exacerbated by the huge carbon imprint of large ships. With the melting of the Arctic ice, cruise ships may be able to come through the Northwest Passage, but the bottom of the food chain can be harmed by them. Mass tourism is only likely to make the food problems worse, some Inuit maintain. Ms. Eegeesiak stressed her point: “It is not just the communities we need to worry about when these great boats arrive but all the wildlife of the region.”

 

A Hutterite colony in Southcentral Alberta is developing a net-zero egg layer barn, a large chicken facility that hopefully will use no more energy than it generates. A feature in The Western Producer, a weekly publication for the agricultural industry of Western Canada, covered the development of the experimental barn on the Brant Hutterite Colony near Brant, Alberta, 40 miles south of Calgary.

Solar-powered eggs from the Green Acres Hutterite Colony
Solar-powered eggs from the Green Acres Hutterite Colony (Photo by David Dodge, GreenEnergyFutures.ca on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

A similar report has been published recently about the Green Acres Hutterites, also located in Southern Alberta, who have adopted solar energy enthusiastically at their colony. To judge by photos posted on Flickr about the Green Acres colony, they are evidently producing eggs in a solar powered chicken barn. The Brant Colony is developing the energy efficiency of its chicken barn several steps farther.

The new barn at the Brant Colony has 12,800 laying hens that are bathing in the dust and laying their eggs while technical equipment is trying to monitor their energy expended and their energy produced. It is not clear if the new barn is fully energy net-zero yet, however—not all the systems are operational and data collection from the experiment is not complete.

The barn has Internet access to provide remote monitoring of energy usage, with a camera in the laying area that provides a live feed. It has 100 solar panels on the roof that produce 25.5 kilowatts of energy. It has 14 inches of insulation in the attic, walls that are heavily insulated, and a ventilator that recovers heat. The building has a six-inch thick concrete floor with heating in it. The design seeks to control efficiently the collection of dust and the management of humidity.

Free-range chickens
Free-range chickens (Photo by Unsplash on Pixabay, Creative Commons license)

From the perspective of the chickens, perhaps the best feature of the new barn is that the birds are not kept confined in cages, as they are at many factory-like chicken operations. Instead, they are allowed to range freely, at least inside the barn. The egg manager for the colony, Darrel Mendel, said that he was initially skeptical about the idea of the colony participating in the net-zero egg barn experiment. He thought about the proposal in 2014 and “just put [it] underneath a stack of books or something.”

But the colony was planning to modify and expand its egg production operations, and it decided to go for free-run eggs when major food companies announced that they would be making changes away from accepting eggs from caged birds. At the same time, the Egg Farmers of Alberta selected the Brant Colony as the best possibility in the province for its net-zero experiment. The colony was awarded a $250,000 grant from the Growing Forward 2 program, a Canadian government initiative that funds innovative projects in the agricultural sector, to help the development of the net-zero barn.

The Chicken Manager sorting eggs at the Pincher Creek Hutterite Colony, 70 miles south of Brant, Alberta
The Chicken Manager sorting eggs at the Pincher Creek Hutterite Colony, 70 miles south of Brant, Alberta (Photo by Bruce Bonta, July 5, 2006)

“There’s always new ideas to explore, and it is truly an adventure being an egg farmer,” said Mr. Mendel about his work as chicken manager. But routine as the work of managing a layer operation might seem to be, officials in Alberta are impressed with what the Brant Colony is doing.

Jenna Griffin, the Development Officer for the industry group Egg Farmers of Alberta, spoke about the impact that the development at the colony will have on the future energy efficiency of agricultural operations in Canada. “By agreeing to work at overcoming the obstacles and to share extremely detailed information about their facility and its performance, Brant Colony is serving the industry, acting as stewards and knowledge brokers,” she said.

She added that the egg industry was growing in Alberta and farmers were building new facilities to keep up. Whether net-zero is actually attained at Brant, the colony is leading and learning in the process, she said.

 

Last week the Tristan Islanders marked the bicentenary of British rule over the island by having a variety of festivities and by reading a letter from H.R.H. Prince Philip. The history is important to the Islanders.

The Settlement and the relatively level area it is on are dwarfed by the mountainous island of Tristan da Cunha
The Settlement and the relatively level area it is on are dwarfed by the mountainous island of Tristan da Cunha (Photo from the CTBTO Preparatory Commission on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

During the Napoleonic Wars (called the War of 1812 in the U.S.), American privateers had used Tristan as a base of operations against British shipping in the South Atlantic. The British Governor of the Cape Colony, Lord Charles Somerset, proposed to Lord Bathurst, the Secretary of State, that the British should preemptively take possession of the island. In September of 1815, with Napoleon being imprisoned on Saint Helena, the British feared that Tristan da Cunha might become a French base for liberating the Emperor, so Lord Bathurst issued an order that a garrison should be established on Tristan. On August 14th, 1816, the H.M.S. Falmouth brought the first garrison into Tristan waters. They landed at a level area that had already been used intermittently by settlers. It was the only spot on the island suitable for a small settlement. The level area, known locally as “The Settlement,” remains the only permanently inhabited place on the island.

Captain Festing from the Falmouth went ashore on August 14th and took formal possession of the island in the name of King George III. The sole survivor of an earlier settlement and his young companion expressed pleasure at becoming residents of the British Empire.

On Tristan last week, the Islanders celebrated by holding a barbecue at Prince Philip Hall and by organizing games for the children. The cornerstone of the hall was laid by Prince Philip during his visit to the island on the Royal Yacht Britannia on January 17, 1957. The building remains the social hub of the community.

Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh, in a photo dated November 25, 2008
Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh, in a photo dated November 25, 2008 (Photo by Steve Punter on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Prince Philip, who is now 95, sent a gracious letter to be read at the celebration of the bicentennial. He wrote how well he remembers his visit, and that he has followed activities on the island ever since. “I wish the whole Tristan community a very happy future,” he wrote.

In many ways, the more important phase of the early history of Tristan began 15 months after the first troops arrived, in November 1817, when the military garrison was withdrawn, leaving behind, at their own request, a British seaman named William Glass and a couple companions. They had gotten permission to stay and establish a permanent civilian settlement. The importance of Glass is that he was committed to creating a social experiment based on the Enlightenment ideals of his time.

According to Munch (1964), the small community, which to this day only numbers about 270 people, was founded on the principles of absolute equality, communal ownership of property, and the absence of any governmental control.  The major principle that the early settlers agreed on was that of anarchy.

The early settlers wrote a document to codify their peaceful ideals, which stated, in part: ‘That in order to ensure the harmony of the Firm, No member shall assume any superiority whatever, but all to be considered as equal in every respect…’  The existence of the document was soon forgotten and the commitment to communal ownership was abandoned, but the principles of anarchy and equality became the dominant values for the community.

It will be interesting to join Prince Philip in following activities on the island over the next year and a half to see how the Islanders commemorate their significant contributions to world culture: a successful, idealistic, society that has changed and adapted for 200 years but that continues to exemplify many of the peaceful values that nurtured it during its formative years.

 

The famous maxim “respect for the rights of others is peace” is an essential value for the Zapotec in Oaxaca’s Sierra Juárez region, as well as a defining concept for peaceful living everywhere. In a recent journal article, Estonian anthropologist Toomas Gross explores the impact the belief has on the region where Mexican President Benito Juárez came from, the different ways the concept is interpreted, and the strong role that it has on fostering intercommunity harmony in the area.

Daguerreotype of Benito Juárez as president of Mexico
Daguerreotype of Benito Juárez as president of Mexico (In the public domain in Wikipedia)

Toomas begins by explaining the background of the maxim itself. Benito Juárez, himself a Zapotec politician, became president of Mexico and led the Mexican forces in defeating the French military government of Emperor Maximilian I in 1867. Afterwards, he urged all Mexicans to obey the rule of law and to respect one another. His famous maxim, stated in full, was “Among individuals, as among nations, respect for the rights of others is peace.”

That ideal is still influential in contemporary Mexico, especially in the realm of politics in the Sierra Juárez region. The difficulty is that that region has experienced an extremely rapid growth of Protestant minority congregations in the rural villages. The traditional Catholics, still the majority, have developed tense relations in some instances with the Protestant groups over their understandings and interpretations of the ideal of respect. The concept of respect is central to both the Catholics and the Protestants of the region, but they think of it in different ways.

A view of a mountain village in the Sierra Juárez
A view of a mountain village in the Sierra Juárez (Photo by Lon&Queta in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

In most of the Zapotec villages in the Sierra Juárez, the Catholic majority defines respect in terms of the norms and practices that guide their social, cultural and political lives, called “usos y costumbres.” Those norms include such events as the celebrations of fiestas that commemorate the local patron saints. The usos y costumbres also define and exemplify other essentials of village life such as patterns of local decision making, practices of social organization, ways of resolving conflicts, and work responsibilities called cargos.

The conversion of people in the indigenous communities to Protestant faiths has had a rupturing effect, however. In the context of a Catholic community, emotional links are broken when people who have converted no longer need the mediation of patron saints. The sense of solidarity between the Protestant villagers and the Catholic majority is broken in many cases.

San Mateo parish in Capulálpam
San Mateo parish in Capulálpam (Photo by AlejandroLinaresGarcia in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Tensions have developed. The author interviewed an elderly Jehovah’s Witness in Capulálpam who described her confrontation with the authorities in the village over a payment required to support the fiesta for its patron saint. “I categorically refused. I told them that I would be glad to support the village with my money, but only in matters not related to Catholicism (p.125).” She added that she was glad to pay for schooling or road construction, but not for venerating saints. The three men left and reported her to the village authorities, and people began to gossip about her.

These kinds of religiously-inspired hostile reactions to demands imposed by village authorities because of their commitments to their usos y costumbres used to provoke retaliation from the Roman Catholic authorities in the Sierra Juárez. The situation appears to have improved since the 1980 and 1990s, however, when the Protestant disdain for Catholic customs prompted open opposition and sometimes violence. In the village of Cojonos, for instance, authorities closed down an Adventist church, cut off electricity to its members, and forbid shop owners from selling to them. Their crime? They had refused to respect the traditional communal activities.

Ixtlán de Juarez
Ixtlán de Juarez (Photo by Stephen Lea in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

From the village of Ixtlán de Juárez, a devout Catholic named Mario expressed to the author his strongly critical feelings about the Protestants and their unwillingness to collaborate in the fiesta patronal. Mario argued against the Protestant growth in political terms: “These religions are foreign, not Mexican,” he said (p.126). He felt that the village authorities could no longer control the Protestants, the consequences of which were becoming disastrous. “Customs and traditions are fading,” he maintained. The author interviewed others who believed, as Mario did, that the proliferation of Protestants was “a US conspiracy.”

But if the Catholics insist on the importance of respect, so do the Protestants. However, they define it differently. They believe that respect means that the local majority and the community leaders must respect their rights to be different and to exercise their freedom of religion without being excluded from the community. The Protestants that the author interviewed insisted that their belonging in the community must not depend of participating in all practices that local customs seemed to demand. They felt that they are always the subjects of disrespect from the majority.

Ixtlán clock tower
Ixtlán clock tower (Photo by AlejandroLinaresGarcia in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

A former pastor of a Pentecostal church in Ixtlán named Maximino testified to the importance of the famous maxim by Juárez in the discussions and controversies. “We respected everyone—one should respect in order to be respected, as was Juárez’s slogan. During the assemblies we were a couple souls against three hundred, and we talked about the ideas of Juárez, in this very land of his! We talked about the rights we have, but nobody took any notice (p.130).”

The situation got rapidly worse in Ixtlán when the Pentecostals decided to build a new church. The authorities reacted by cutting the power and water supplies to the house of one of their leaders, a situation that lasted for two years. The author suggests that as long as the Pentecostals worshipped in private, they could be tolerated, but the institutionalization of their presence, symbolized by their raising a church building, would not be allowed. In more recent decades, however, public concerns for human rights in general, and freedom of religion in particular, have grown in Oaxaca.

A view of the main square of Capulálpam
A view of the main square of Capulálpam (Photo by AlejandroLinaresGarcia in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The author argues that the Zapotec are beginning to develop a respect for their differing interpretations of respect.  Pedro, a former official in Capulálpam, insisted that respect between different social groups had to be reciprocated in order to thrive. He felt that the tensions between the different groups in the 1980s were eased by the dialogues, deliberations, and compromises they were able to reach, not by subjecting the minority to the will of the majority. Eduardo, another man in the same town, insisted that the Protestants in the village do seem to respect the usos y costumbres of the majority, and in return the Catholics do respect their religions.

Many of the author’s Protestant informants made it clear that their focus on keeping up their respect for the traditions of the majority has become a conscious strategy in order to maintain the good will of the whole community. However, the respect displayed by the Protestants for the customs and authority structure of the majority was clearly not unconditional—their religious freedoms had to be respected as well.

A girl from the Sierra Juárez region
A girl from the Sierra Juárez region (Photo by Lon&Queta in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The future bodes well for the Zapotec of the Sierra Juárez. They realize that the focus on respect does not suggest a dissolution of their differences. Instead, it implies that everyone must respect one another’s beliefs. David, an Adventist leader in Capulálpam pointed out to the author that when the Protestants arrived, the local Catholics were quite hostile to them. “Nowadays there is mutual respect. They understand that we live differently, and we, in turn, respect them (p.133).”

In the Sierra Juárez, the more enlightened village authorities are learning to accommodate the various issues that are important to the Protestants: the Seventh-day Adventists cannot participate in community activities on Saturdays, the Jehovah’s Witnesses cannot participate in higher level cargos (work responsibilities), and Protestants in general won’t contribute to financing Catholic fiestas. The Protestants, for their part, do their best to contribute, to collaborate, and to participate as long as their involvement doesn’t violate their own particular beliefs.

Gross, Toomas. 2015. “Religion and Respeto: The Role and Value of Respect in Social Relations in Rural Oaxaca.” Studies in World Christianity 21(2): 119-139

 

Guelaguetza festivals, held in late July every year in Oaxaca City and other nearby towns of southern Mexico, celebrate the acts of giving and receiving in traditional Zapotec culture. The participants are famous for their extremely colorful costumes and dances. Unfortunately, according to a recent report from Public Radio International, the festivals have become highly commercialized. As an alternative, the Zapotec are banding together to form People’s Guelaguetza festivals. The people’s festivals are thronged with the Zapotec themselves rather than with tourists.

A participant dances during the 2015 Guelaguetza celebration in Oaxaca
A participant dances during the 2015 Guelaguetza celebration in Oaxaca (Screen capture from the video Guelaguetza 2015 Producciones MVM Televisión on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

A news story in 2005 explained that there are several quite different types of giving and receiving in traditional Zapotec society. The Zapotec love to freely give to one another, often food or other types of gifts, without expecting that the gifting will be returned. They realize, of course, that the giving will usually be reciprocated, but that the return generosity will not be calculated or expected.

But their gifting is more complicated than that. They also celebrate the Guelaguetza: formal, ritualized exchanges, where people give their time and their products to others. But they keep quite careful track of their gifts, with a full expectation that they will be reciprocated at some point. The gifts at Guelaguetza, given primarily to family members, could best be described as loans that are free of interest.

The thrust of the PRI story was that the annual Guelaguetza festival is being superseded, at least among the Zapotec themselves, by their Guelaguetza Popular, their “People’s Guelaguetza,” which is becoming increasingly popular in Oaxaca City. The problem is that the carefully managed, internationally popular festival has become a major economic support for the local economy. Ticket prices start at roughly US$50.00. In addition to the costs, which are beyond the budgets of many locals, the lines and waits to get into events are lengthy.

A large puppet moves with the crowd in the People’s Guelaguetza on the streets of downtown Oaxaca in 2011
A large puppet moves with the crowd in the People’s Guelaguetza on the streets of downtown Oaxaca in 2011 (Screenshot from the video “Calenda de la Guelaguetza Popular 2011” by South Notas TV on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

The People’s Gueleguetza is organized by a dissident teachers’ union. Admission to events is free, and though superficially the street parades may look similar to the state-run events, there are significant differences. The parades, called “calendas,” include brass bands, giant puppets, and costumed dancers. Some people simply line the streets, while throngs of Zapotec parade through downtown districts with thousands of individuals participating as the parade moves along. The essence of the festivities is for the people to mingle with the dancers and musicians, unlike the separation imposed at the state-sponsored events.

Another major difference is that the popular events often include people carrying banners bearing slogans such as “no forgiveness, nor forgetting.” Marchers chant slogans demanding that political prisoners be released. The marchers demand such other popular progressive reforms as an end to budget cutting for education and similar public services.

People dancing during a Guelaguetza in Miahuatlan
People dancing during a Guelaguetza in Miahuatlan (Photo by Olisser Sanchez on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The PRI reporter, Shannon Young, questioned Salvador Aquino, a teacher from Miahuatlan and a dancer in a delegation from the town. Mr. Aquino told her, “I think it’s necessary to rescue the real meaning behind the Guelaguetza. The Guelaguetza isn’t about the commercialization and selling of the indigenous person as a registered trademark,” he said. His further comment captured the essence of Guelaguetza: ““I’m sharing what I do, my dance moves, my music. That’s what the real Guelaguetza is all about: coming together as brothers and sharing.”

The reporter spoke with Yaneri Castro and two of her assistants who were along the parade route giving away tacos filled with rice and hard-boiled eggs to participants. They represented an environmental club attended by elementary school children in the nearby city of Villa de Zaachila.

A Stilt-walker from Zaachila dancing in a parade with others at the People’s Guelaguetza in 2011
A stilt-walker from Zaachila dancing in a parade with others at the People’s Guelaguetza in 2011 (Screenshot from the video “Bailes en la Calenda de la Guelaguetza Popular 2011” by South Notas TV on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

Ms. Castro told Ms. Young that donations from Zapotec migrants in the U.S. had provided the funds to support the Guelaguetza Popular in this way. They planned to give away 500 tacos to participants. She said that giving away food was an important way to support the People’s Guelaguetza. “So that they don’t give up the fight,” she said.

The “fight” she was referring to has been the struggle with the government of Mexico over what it terms “structural reforms,” particularly reforms across the country that are supposed to make teachers more accountable. These “reforms” have been opposed by indigenous teachers, such as the Zapotec in Oaxaca, for several years.

 

A Rural Thai village that is off the grid is evangelizing about the value of renewable energy: bio-gas from cow manure for cooking, and solar panels for lighting homes. Last week Agence France-Presse featured the story of how community leaders in Pa Deng village have formed a network of alternative energy users—and advocates.

An upscale home in rural Kaeng Krachan District, about 10 miles from Pa Deng
An upscale home in rural Kaeng Krachan District, about 10 miles from Pa Deng (Photo by Udom09 on Panoramio, Creative Commons license)

Pa Deng is tucked back in a small valley surrounded by forests in Kaeng Krachan District, Phetchaburi Province of Thailand. Nearly 10 years ago, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra donated solar panels to Pa Deng, but after a few years they needed maintenance and no one came around to repair them. So the people took matters into their own hands and sent some of the villagers to learn how to do the maintenance work themselves.

That got them started on alternative energy sources. They visited research centers, academic institutions and factories; they exchanged fruit from their gardens for lessons on developing renewable energy. They came up with the idea of biogas tanks—actually large, blue polyester sacks that look like big balloons—to hold methane.

Cattle in the Thai countryside
Cattle in the Thai countryside (Photo by yubabubbler2 on Pixabay, Creative Commons license)

The methane gas is generated by manure produced by the numerous cows in the valley, plus other organic wastes that are packed inside the sacks. Microbes break down the waste, in the process generating the gas. Using the gas eliminates the need to go into the forest and gather fuel and it is more sustainable and healthier than burning wood fires for cooking. Kosol Saengthong, a leader in the village network, told AFP reporter Sally Mairs, “It’s nothing complicated, just put the food and waste in and then the gas will come.”

Kosol and his colleagues are teaching other rural Thai communities how to save on energy by producing their own. During a recent seminar in Pa Deng, he said “I was [surprised] at how kind and eager people were to share knowledge with me. Now that it’s my turn to teach, I will do the same.”

Wisut Janprapai, a 44-year old man, was the first person in the valley to start using the biogas. A friend of his from Myanmar told him that animal feces could be used to generate gas suitable for cooking on stoves. He told the reporter that at first he didn’t believe it. But with no outside sources of power, he and his neighbors decided to give it a try. After years of experimenting, they developed the biogas balloons.

They formed a network of supporters in their village which now includes 100 families who run the biogas system. At this point, however, those 100 families represent only one fifth of the people in the Pa Deng area. The network requires members to pay into a maintenance fund, which covers the alternative energy systems and a pool of funds for medical emergencies.

Bangkok at night
Bangkok at night (Photo by Eric Montfort on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Wisut has no desire to live in Bangkok. “There’s no night time there,” he told AFP. It is too noisy and bright for him. Furthermore, he has little interest in having a refrigerator or an air conditioner. He is quite content, he says, with a biogas balloon feeding his stove plus, powered by his solar panels, a television set for entertainment and a fan for cooling.

Thailand has a lot of possibilities for developing renewable energy resources, according to Phirat Inphanich, who works at the government Energy Ministry as a policy analyst. But Mr. Inphanich feels the kingdom could make better uses of its energy resources.

A woman chicken farmer in rural Thailand, whose flocks produce manure that could be used for biogas production
A woman chicken farmer in rural Thailand, whose flocks produce manure that could be used for biogas production (Photo by Michael Zoebisch for Farming Matters on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

He travels around the nation trying to convince communities to follow the example of Pa Deng. Small scale efforts like theirs will not completely change the energy sector, he says, but they can help some communities and assist villagers in minimizing their costs. “Thailand is the land of renewable energy,” he said to the reporter. “You can walk anywhere, especially in rural areas, and you will see things that can be turned into energy.”

 

A desert plant that grows in southern Africa with the intriguing popular name “devil’s claw” is being increasingly harvested by the Ju/’hoansi for sale on the international market. A news story in a Namibian newspaper last week provided an update on the increasing economic importance of the harvesting business. A report in this website in 2012 indicated that the devil’s claw roots must be harvested carefully and sustainably in order to be sold with the coveted certification of organic harvesting.

The dried fruit of the devil’s claw
The dried fruit of the devil’s claw (Photo by Roger Culos in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

Devil’s claw, Harpagophytum procumbens, has been used for centuries, if not millennia, by the Ju/’hoansi and other dwellers of the Kalahari region to treat illnesses such as fevers, diseases of the digestive tract, skin problems, and various aches and pains. The name derives from the appearance of the fruits, which have strange little grappling hooks, or devil’s claws, protruding from them. The part that has been used medicinally by the indigenous Africans, and increasingly by international buyers, is derived from the tuberous roots of the plants.

A review article by L. Grant and others (2007) provides an overview of the uses of the herbal medicine. The authors examined many studies of the efficacy of the plant, and while some of them are inconclusive or contradictory, Grant and colleagues concluded that most of the evidence shows that the plant does, indeed, have effective anti-inflammatory and other important medicinal properties. Furthermore, the clinical trials reported in the scientific literature indicate that for the most part devil’s claw does alleviate pain and improve mobility for musculoskeletal conditions such as arthritis.

Devil’s claw tablets sold by Amazon.com, one of many brands available.
Devil’s claw tablets sold by Amazon.com, one of many brands available.

The exact ways it works are not clear, but its efficacy is generally accepted as scientific fact. Grant et al. point out that a German farmer who lived in Namibia in the 1920s learned about the medicinal value of devil’s claw tubers from the San people and sent samples back to Germany for analysis. As its benefits have become better known, it has been prepared by herbalists and marketed internationally, both as a tincture, as a dry extract, and as coated tablets.

So how do the Ju/’hoansi fit in? Lee (1979) pointed out that the people “are superb botanists and naturalists, with an intimate knowledge of their natural environment (p.158).” He wrote that they identified and had named over 200 different species of plants, of which over 100 were used as sources of food, the primary focus of his chapter. Devil’s claw was just one of the many plants that they used in their formerly nomadic, gathering and hunting existence.

By 2002, Biesele and Hitchcock (2013) reported, the collection and sale of devil’s claw tubers had grown into a small business for the Ju/’hoansi people, which generated an income of N$30,000, 1.5 percent of the income of the people in the Nyae Nyae Conservancy. Their book reported that five years later, in 2007, involvement of the people in harvesting devil’s claw tubers had grown a lot. In that year, 195 Ju/’hoansi individuals earned N$160,000 from the harvest of the devil’s claw. That year, the Nyae Nyae Conservancy also earned N$34,000 from the harvesting business.

A devil’s claw (Harpagophytum procumbens) plant growing in a desert of southern Africa
A devil’s claw (Harpagophytum procumbens) plant growing in a desert of southern Africa (Photo from Wikimedia, © CITES Secretariat)

The numbers continue to skyrocket. The Namibian article last week stated that in 2015, 575 people foraged in the desert surrounding their villages for the devil’s claw plants, which are an important part of the desert biodiversity, the journalist, Sirka Amaambo, wrote. The harvesters came from both the Nyae Nyae Conservancy and the N≠a Jaqna Conservancy immediately to the west of Nyae Nyae. N≠a Jaqna is the homeland of the! Kung San people who are closely related to the Ju/’hoansi. The residents of the two conservancies harvested 24 tons of organic devil’s claw tubers and earned N$800,000 (US$58,000) for themselves.

So far in 2016, 933 harvesters in 41 villages of the two conservancies are registered for gathering devil’s claw tubers. The income from the harvests are used to purchase household goods, clothing, and food.

An elderly San woman in Botswana holding a plant she has gathered
An elderly San woman in Botswana holding a plant she has gathered (Photo by Dietmar Temps on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The journalist interviewed a Ju/’hoan woman named /Ukxa, for her story. /Ukxa lives in the village of Makuri in Nyae Nyae and has been harvesting devil’s claw tubers for many years. She is in her late 60s, and her husband, Kaqece !Ui, is also an active harvester. She said that the harvesting is quite hard work, but, she said, “at least I will get something meaningful out of it.” Other elderly San people who persist in the harvesting work might say the same thing.

/Ukxa told Ms. Amaambo that even though she receives a pension from the state, it is not sufficient for all of the needs of herself and her family. “We are pleased that others can use this medicine,” she said about the devil’s claw she gathers, “but it is very important for us today, because unlike in the past, one needs money to get anything nowadays.”

“Over the past few weeks, six people have died, with hundreds injured, during the worst sectarian rioting in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir in decades.” That news report opening sentence, written eight years ago about strife in Kashmir, could be repeated today except that the numbers of casualties are higher this time. And this latest period of violence, popularly referred to as the “Kashmir Unrest of 2016,” may pose a greater threat to the Ladakhi people than the events of 2008.

Indian security forces confront separatist demonstrators on the streets of Srinagar, Kashmir, July 21, 2016
Indian security forces confront separatist demonstrators on the streets of Srinagar, Kashmir, July 21, 2016 (Photo by Voice of America in Flickr, in the public domain)

A current background report in the Wikipedia indicates that the rioting began after a militant Muslim leader named Burhan Wani was killed by Indian security forces on July 8. The entire Kashmir Valley erupted in riots and protests against India—the Muslims against the Hindu majority nation. All 10 districts of the state located in the valley were placed under a curfew on July 15. By July 25, over 50 people, including two police officers, had been killed and more than 5,800 had been injured. The daily news stories continue to be grim: “Kashmir unrest: Fresh protests erupt in the Valley; 3 killed, over 150 injured,” one headline read last Friday evening, summarizing the events of the day.

One of the more critical questions is to untangle how the strife in Jammu and Kashmir is affecting the third major section of the state, the mountainous region of Ladakh, and the famously peaceful Ladakhi people. Ravina Aggarwal (2004) wrote that the political, religious, social and cultural problems that exist in Ladakh are exacerbated by the divisions in the larger Indian state of which it is a part. She analyzed in her book the complexities not only of the Muslim-Hindu situation in the state but also the divisions in Ladakh itself, which is fractured into conflicting districts and beliefs.

A news story last week described the ways the unrest and violence is affecting Ladakh by prompting an increased number of Kashmiris to flee into the mountains, “shifting to the ‘peaceful’ Ladakh region,” as the journalist, Arteev Sharma, put it. Numerous Ladakhis are becoming quite concerned about the refugees pouring in; they fear that the newcomers will bring their violence along with them.

Rangdum and the Rangdum Gompa, in the Suru Valley on the road from Kargil to the Zanskar Valley
Rangdum and the Rangdum Gompa, in the Suru Valley on the road from Kargil to the Zanskar Valley (Photo by Narender9 in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Jamyang Tsering Namgyal, the BJP councilor from Leh, expressed his alarm over the numbers of Kashmiri refugees he’s become aware of. He said in a Facebook post that when he was last in the Zanskar region, he saw hundreds of them, including many young people, moving into tent communities at Rangdum. He expressed hope that the police at their checkpoints would be “doing their duty and making the required enquiries.”

He added that many Kashmiris—he called them “Khachulpas”—are also erecting tent cities a few miles outside of Leh, and they are staying with friends and relatives in Leh itself. Some of them are even trying to buy land so they can build their own houses. “It’s our collective responsibility to make the public aware of the consequences so that we can keep intact the peace, progress and prosperity of Ladakh. I wish Ladakh will remain as Ladakh, not change to Khachul (Kashmir),” he wrote.

The residence of the Dalai Lama in Choglamsar, near Leh
The residence of the Dalai Lama in Choglamsar, near Leh (Photo by hceebee on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The news story quoted other Ladakhi leaders. P.T. Kunzang, Vice-president of the Ladakh Buddhist Association, said that the authorities are monitoring the immigrants, “as there may be some elements among them who may create trouble and cause disturbance here.”  Stanzin Dorjey, from the police station in Leh, said that some Kashmir families had moved into Choglamsar, a couple miles from Leh. He said that the police are watching all the entry points into the city and checking the identification of all visitors.

The reporter alerted readers to the fact that there are two districts in Ladakh—the predominantly Buddhist district of Leh and the mostly Muslim district of Kargil. The proportion of Buddhists compared to Muslims in the two districts is changing—the number of Muslims is gradually increasing compared to the number of Buddhists.

A Rangdum girl poses for the camera like a professional model
A Rangdum girl poses for the camera like a professional model (Photo by sandeepachetan.com travel photography in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

But the issue of greatest significance is the influx of immigrants from the lowlands—the refugees from the fighting. How will their values affect isolated hamlets like Rangdum? Nawang Rigzin Jora, a member of the state Legislative Assembly from the Congress Party, summarized their fears: people from the more populous parts of the state have been welcomed in Ladakh in the past as tourists, but they have not stayed permanently.

“There is no doubt there is little in common between the Kashmiri and Ladakhi people. Their outlook is quite different.” He might have added that the Kashmiris, through a complex of reasons analyzed by Aggarwal, have learned to dramatize their disputes through violence; the Ladakhis have a strong tradition of walking away from conflicts, of trying, though not always successfully, to retain their history of nonviolence.

Last week, a group of Paliyan women reported that forestry officials subjected them to a strip search while they were walking back from gathering in a forest. Two of India’s major newspapers reported on the allegations and the actions by officials in response to the complaints.

Forested mountains near the town of Cumbum
Forested mountains near the town of Cumbum (Photo by Santoshtherock in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

According to a report in The Hindu on Tuesday, July 26, Ms. S. Paputhai from the Paliyan colony of Kadamalaikundu, in the Theni District of Tamil Nadu, submitted a petition to the Superintendent of Police, V. Baskaran, on Monday July 25 complaining of the treatment that she and a group of members of the colony—five families in all—had received from some forestry officials. They had been collecting forest products in the mountains near the town of Cumbum on July 16 and were walking back toward their colony when they were stopped by four forestry officials. Led by one Ranger Sekar, the officials seized the produce the Paliyan were carrying, including some honey, and frisked the people.

Ms. Paputhai reported, “They ordered my husband and other men to remove their shirts and dhotis in the name of checking.” But her report got worse: “Later, they forced us to remove our saris in public.” She indicated that they seized a mobile phone and Rs. 2,000 (US $30) from the group.

The troubles between Forest Department officials and the tribal people continued. On July 17, a group of five Paliyan went to the Varushanadu forest office to protest the treatment of the women, so the officials arrested them and put them in prison in the city of Madurai. Forestry officials argued that the tribal people had been throwing stones at the Varushanadu forest office, which prompted the arrests.

Collector N. Venkatachalam, head of the Theni District
Collector N. Venkatachalam, head of the Theni District (Photo by Dinesh1401 in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

The paper reported that the women then appealed to the Superintendent of Police plus the Collector, N. Venkatachalam, who is the highest official of the district. The Collector said that the complaint, requesting action against Ranger Sekar and the others, had been forwarded to the police in Uthamapalayam for investigation.

The Times of India, in a much briefer news story, wrote that the Paliyan woman who filed the petition on July 25 was named S. Mariammal. She alleged that forestry officials often molest and humiliate them, and they try to deny them their rights to gather produce in the forests.

The Hindu reported at the end of the week, on July 29, that on Monday last week over 15 Paliyan women crowded into the Office of the Superintendent of Police for Theni demanding that action be taken against the forestry officials for harassing the women. The Revenue Divisional Officer, a Ms. Jamuna, conducted an inquiry with the women two days later.

U. Vasuki, prominent politician from Chennai, the capital of Tamil Nadu
U. Vasuki, prominent politician from Chennai, the capital of Tamil Nadu (Photo by Jaffar Theekkathir in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Also on Wednesday, Ms. U. Vasuki, a prominent Indian politician from Chennai, the state capital, who is a leader in workers’ issues at the national level, spoke to reporters about the Paliyan scandal. She said that a 13-year old girl had also been required to remove her dress, along with the women, on the pretext of frisking them. After all the harsh treatment, the Paliyans had to continue walking 40 km back to their homes. Ms. Vasuki demanded that the forestry officials be immediately arrested under the terms of the Prevention of Atrocities Act of 1989 and the Child Harassment Act. She said that the husbands of the women who were harassed had been arrested and remained in custody.

Finally on Friday the 29th, after the investigation was concluded according to the newspaper, the police did decide to take action. The paper reported that Deputy Superintendent of Police in Uthamapalayam, a man named Annamalai, has registered criminal charges against Forest Ranger Sekar, a forester named Prince, and two other staff members.

These reports last week provide fascinating comparisons between the attitudes of officials in Tamil Nadu today toward the Paliyans and the observations of Peter Gardner, whose periods of field work with that society date back to 1962. Gardner (1972) reported that the Tamil people had an attitude of superiority toward their tribal neighbors, whom they viewed as less pure and sophisticated than they were themselves. There had been many instances of harassment, ridicule, and even murders of the underprivileged Adivasi people.

A Paliyan family near a Murugan Temple in the Theni District of Tamil Nadu (Photo courtesy of Steven Bonta)
A Paliyan family near a Murugan Temple in the Theni District of Tamil Nadu (Photo courtesy of Steven Bonta)

While the Tamils relied on the Paliyans as guides at their forest temples, and the Paliyans often valued the availability of products from the Tamils, those conditions did not mitigate the effects of humiliation and domination of the tribal people, Gardner wrote. The legal institutions of the plains failed to protect the Paliyans since they were affiliated at the time only peripherally with the villages where those abuses took place. The standard Paliyan manner of dealing with such abuses—withdrawal—put them under social and psychological stress.

The news reports last week also allow comparisons between the attitudes of the Paliyans a half-century ago and today. While the forest did offer them protection in the 1960s—a thorn woodland that discouraged the entry of almost everyone except themselves—their constant flight into that environment simply increased their vulnerability, decreasing the likelihood that they would seek legal redress to their problems in the villages. They thus had a polarized, we/they view of the world, Gardner suggested. When they did stay and try to adjust to the larger society, they masked their feelings with superficial behaviors that allowed them to fit in.

Gardner (1985) wrote that the Paliyans, while they still lived in the forest, would not even discuss or deal with conflicts. As an example, he cited an incident wherein a contractor killed three Paliyans. The remaining villagers immediately left for the mountains. Five years later, as they were slowly moving back toward the plains, they were quite willing to be interviewed by the anthropologist on other subjects, but they would still not discuss the violent incident. At another point, one group of Paliyans suddenly abandoned their settlement when Gardner, dressed in what looked like khaki clothing, happened to show up. He may have reminded them of an incident of police brutality a few weeks before. One family suddenly felt impelled to gather its few belongings and leave, and the rest of the settlement, seeing this, quickly followed suit as if a general alarm had been sounded.

It is quite clear from the news reports last week that at least some of the Tamil authority structure is changing its ways toward the Paliyans by investigating and taking action when abuses are reported. And for their part, the Paliyans may continue to walk long distances to gather forest products for sale, but at least some of them are adopting the Tamil approach to handling discrimination and harassment by protesting, by filing complaints, and by contacting prominent advocates. The days when the Paliyans simply faded into the forest to avoid conflicts appear to be ending.

 

A band of Paliyans used to live in the Sathuragiri Hills in the Western Ghats, but they settled into Ram Nagar in 1993 and they have had difficulty getting by ever since. A feature in The Hindu early last week described their former lives and the problems they now have to deal with.

The Sathuragiri Hills
The Sathuragiri Hills (Photo by Deepak Kumaran on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The newspaper indicated that they used to live in caves in the hills, where they collected tubers, fruits, and honey and were intimately familiar with the surrounding wild lands. K. Ramar, a 60-year old Paliyan, told the reporter, “Earlier, we lived on the rice … and other grocery items we bartered for honey and other herbal plants.” They sold the forest products they had collected in the communities of Sundararajpuram, Watrap, and Akashampatti.

But they soon realized that conditions were changing. They no longer had the easy access they used to have to forest products they had traditionally gathered. “Often, the forest officials would not allow us to enter the jungle on one pretext or the other,” said A. Periyakaruppan, a 44-year old. The district government intervened, however, and the Paliyans were allowed to gather 13 different items, including honey, nanari, and amla.

The industrial firm Ramco became involved in the welfare of the Paliyan settlement and, cooperating with the government, it built houses that were electrified and that had decent road access. The company also helped the people obtain community certificates and ration cards. The tribal people were assisted in obtained their Aadhaar cards, which have unique identification numbers that will help them gain access to the financial structure of India.

Incense sticks for sale in a market in India
Incense sticks for sale in a market in India (Photo by Meanest Indian in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

But not all has worked well for them. Two groups of women received training in the cultivation of mushrooms and in fabricating dhoops, types of sticks used for incense in India. But the women lacked the financing necessary for building the sheds that would allow them to grow the proposed mushrooms and for acquiring the machinery needed to make the herbal incense sticks.

A supplementary story in The Hindu, posted the same day, indicated that some men from the Paliyan community had applied to work at a local temple, the Sri Sundaramahalingam Temple, but they had not been hired. Mr. Periyakaruppan complained that, despite having been trained for forestry work, their young men are not being hired. “We have at least eight youngsters who are eligible for the post of forest watchers, with class X. Though there is vacancy in Virudhunagar district for the post, our youths are not considered,” he said. He added, “Our men are trained to climb up and down the hard rocky terrain with much ease. But, we are not given jobs,”

On Tuesday last week, the Times of India jumped into the discussion by describing the educational programs that are being developed at a Paliyan settlement in the Tirunelveli and Theni districts of Tamil Nadu. They were initiated by the NGO PACR Sethuramamal Charity Trust, aided by several government agencies.

The Aadhaar card is a national identity card in India
The Aadhaar card is a national identity card in India (Screencapture from a video explaining how to apply for the card on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

The charity met with the Paliyan people in several locations and helped them obtain basic services through enrolling in government insurance schemes, old age pensions, ration cards, certificates, ID documents, and the like. More recently, the NGO met with the people to help them complete applications for their Aadhaar cards.

One of the most significant activities of the Trust was the establishment of a hostel/school for Paliyan young people. The facility opened with 69 students in 2004 and it has grown to an enrollment of 155. The coordinator of tribal welfare, a man named Murgesan, said that while progress was slow at first, the school is doing well today. “Now, they are on a par with any town or city student competing not just in studies, but in extracurricular activities like yoga, spoken English, drawing and sports,” he said.

Six Paliyan kids
Six Paliyan kids (Photo courtesy of Steven Bonta)

The official explained to the paper that the Paliyan parents at first resisted sending their children to the school. But the school persisted in advancing the importance and the future benefits to the Paliyans for their children getting an education, and the Paliyan community has slowly come around.

The efforts to encourage schooling are paying off. Some 33 students have completed class 10 in the past 10 years. Murgesan named a couple students who are doing very well: one of several he named is pursuing a BE in computer science. He added that the school also offers “skill training on how to make herbal medicinal products, cattle feeding and mushroom cultivation.”

The reporter quoted a 25-year old nurse from the Paliyan community, named S. Mahalakshmi. This individual got a BSc in nursing in 2015 and works in a hospital in Rajapalayam, Virudhunagar district. “We were separated from the society for too many generations and only now started concentrating in education, culture, family relationship, dress code and others,” Mahalakshmi said. “Now, I advise my relatives and neighbours to avoid child marriage.”