Last week in Minneapolis, Tanya Tagaq, a prominent Inuit throat singer, used her vocal skills to accompany and enhance showings of the pioneering silent film “Nanook of the North.” Euan Kerr from Minnesota Public Radio interviewed Ms. Tagaq the day before the performance on Thursday, November 19, in the Walker Art Center. The performance was repeated on Friday the 20th.

During her childhood on Victoria Island in the Northwest Territories of Canada, Ms. Tagaq never heard any throat singing. A traditional Inuit art form, it had been suppressed by the Canadian authorities. But when she went to college in Halifax, Nova Scotia, she received a tape from her mother of some throat singing that changed her life.

Tanya Tagaq, Inuit throat singer
Tanya Tagaq, Inuit throat singer (Image by Nomo Michael Hoefner on Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons license)

Ms. Tagaq made it clear to Mr. Kerr that she performs throat singing differently from the traditional Inuit style. She combines notes from both breathing in and breathing out, while traditionally it is performed by two women, somewhat like a competition. Ms. Tagaq says that sometimes other Inuit criticize her for not doing it as an Inuk should. She replies that she’s an Inuk and that is the way she is going to do it.

She tells him that the throat singing can be so overwhelming that she sometimes loses consciousness. But she sees it as a way of healing social problems such as alcoholism, sexual assaults, and violence that the Inuit now endure in their communities. After her performances, members of the audiences will come to her and tell her how much she has helped them cope with life—and sometimes with death.

Several years ago she performed with the Kronos Quartet, but her attention has recently turned to “Nanook of the North,” the 1922 film by Robert Flaherty that is widely credited with being the first full-length feature documentary. The film had been popular for a time, but the obvious racist attitude it displays toward the Inuit has lowered the esteem for the movie for many people.

Ms. Tagaq argues, however, that, despite its flaws, Flaherty demonstrated in the film his love for the Inuit. “Yeah, he’s foolish” she says. “But who isn’t? I don’t feel he meant harm.” The way Flaherty depicted Nanook as naïve and childlike doesn’t bother her. The many scenes that were obviously staged were just played for laughs. She feels that was the norm for film making back then.

She hoped that her throat singing during the film showings would help audiences better appreciate the struggles that the Inuit are facing today.

The Green Acres Hutterite colony, on its 20,000 acres in southeastern Alberta, manages a number of farming operations, a plastics recycling facility, and the largest solar farm in Western Canada. David Dodge described his visit to the colony and its extensive solar project in a piece published in the Huffpost Alberta Canada last week.

Mr. Dodge is met at the colony by the financial boss, Dan Hofer, and his brother, Jake Hofer, the colony electrician. After lunch—colony residents eat breakfasts and suppers communally, but they have their mid-day meals in their own homes—the men, plus David Vonesch, the CEO of SkyFire Energy which installed the solar system, go out to tour the facility .

The Green Acres Hutterite colony
At the Green Acres Hutterite Colony, left to right, Dan Hofer, David Vonesch, and Jake Hofer (Photo by David Dodge on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

It consists of 7,600 solar modules, many rows of them in a field, all of course facing south and generating 2 megawatts of power. Jake Hofer expresses his amazement at the fact that they all sit there quietly harvesting energy, with no moving parts. “It still blows me away to this day,” he says.

Dan Hofer links their installation of the solar system quite firmly to the basic Hutterite ways of doing things. They installed the solar project for the purely economic reason that over the long term it is sensible. He compares it to planting potatoes.

They calculated the initial investment—4.8 million dollars Canadian—added up the figures, and saw that in the long-term the results would be beneficial. If you grow your own meat and vegetables and rely on your own garden, then harvesting solar energy falls in the same category. He feels that it reflects the spirit of depending on your own resources rather than on someone else’s. He adds that it is also certainly good for the environment.

Mr. Vonesch, from SkyFire Energy, says that the solar resource itself is better in that part of Alberta than anywhere else in Canada. Wind energy is also plentiful in Alberta, and it is the choice of the Pincher Creek colony in the same province. But Jake feels that the issue of maintenance for the wind plants would be more of a problem than it would be for a solar system. And, he admits, he’s scared of the heights of the wind turbines.

The colony calculated that at the current price of electricity, they will have a financial payback in about 15 years, and even sooner if the costs of electric power go up.

Mr. Dodge notes that some First Nations people were also at the colony investigating the value of going solar when he was visiting. Mr. Vonesch tells him that the initiative taken at Green Acres has increased the interest of Canadians for possibly following the same route. He said that Ontario has moved far ahead of Alberta in installing solar power, and that that province has now ended coal-fired generating plants. Mr. Dodge concludes his article by reflecting that the colony’s initiative will help Canada nibble away at its greenhouse gas emissions.

Further information about the solar installation at the colony, and numerous photos, can be found on the SkyFire Energy website.

Although Thailand basically tolerates same-sex couples, the more deeply conservative Rural Thai in the northeastern region of the country consider lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and intersexed people to be abnormal. According to an article in the Bangkok Post last week, couples within the LGBTI community are having a lot of problems, especially with their desires to raise children.

Matcha Pornin, for instance, who is from northeastern Thailand, offered to raise the daughter of her younger brother. He was having a hard time supporting the child but he was hostile to the idea because his sister had a girlfriend. He felt she was not good enough to be a parent, she complained. Ultimately, he gave in to Matcha, but only because his finances forced him to.

Matcha lists some changes that need to take place in Thailand that will prompt it to become more open-minded. Laws should be passed to allow same-sex marriages and partners to have families. The society needs to understand the LGBTI community better. In order to achieve those aims, the LGBTI people need to explain themselves more effectively, she says.

Anticha Sangchai, left, and Daranee Thongsiri
Anticha Sangchai, left, and Daranee Thongsiri (Photo by Prachatai on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The newspaper argues that while tolerance for same sex couples is relatively high in Thailand, that toleration does not extend to their raising children. LGBTI parents normally are not legally allowed to become parents. Anticha Sangchai, for instance, has custody of her daughter from a previous marriage, but her partner, Daranee Thongsiri, does not have any share in that custody. “In terms of society’s traditional family values, heterosexual parents are believed to be superior,” Anticha complains.

She goes on to argue that same sex couples have always existed, but she decries the biases of her society in favor of traditional gender relationships. “Anything that is different from the norms will be excluded and rejected,” she adds. And what really distresses her is that Thai children are being brought up with the same values.

The Bangkok Post interviewed Rosalyn Payne, a British citizen, and her Thai wife Arty. They have twin daughters through in-vitro fertilization, but Arty couldn’t also become a legal parent in Thailand since Thai law prohibits same-sex marriages. Even though Arty’s family love the twins and wanted to be part of their lives, the relationship was a hassle because her role as a parent could not be acknowledged legally. The couple finally went to the British embassy in Vietnam to legitimize both women as their legal guardians.

Then they moved to Prague, in the Czech Republic. Payne told the paper that in Europe they have found that they have equal rights for the children. The problem in Thailand, she suggests, is that people generally leave difficult things unsaid.

Matcha Pornin, the woman from conservative rural northeastern Thailand who adopted her brother’s daughter, told the paper that after four to five years of raising the child, the family’s attitudes have been softening. She and her partner have proven to the others that they are quite capable of being good parents, “and the homophobia in my family has lessened. Things are getting better.”

Kauai, the fourth largest of the Hawaiian Islands, has over 100 times as many people as Ifaluk Island in Micronesia, it is 1000 times larger, and it is vastly more diverse and modern. Yet the two islands were carefully compared by an article last week in The Garden Island, a daily newspaper from Kauai.

Hanalei Bay
Hanalei Bay paddle surfing, north coast of Kauai (Frank Kovalcheck image, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons license)

The journalist for the newspaper, Brittany Lyte, interviewed an Ifaluk Islander named Donald Tarofmai, a young man of 20 who is now living on Kauai and getting an education. He has a job on Hanalei Bay, on the north side of the island, renting paddleboards and kayaks. The paper sought his opinions of the island where he was raised, and the vastly larger place where he now resides.

Mr. Tarofmai told the reporter that the small coral atoll where he comes from has no cars, only one store which just sells rice, and little need for money. People still get by on their subsistence economy and on their personal relationships. Most people on Ifaluk are related, he said. He thought that there are about 300 islanders there.

He traveled to Kauai for the first time when he was a small child to visit an uncle who had relocated to the community of Anahola, on the northeast coast of Kauai. He returned eight years later when he was 13 to visit his father, who was ill on Oahu. The father died of cancer so Tarofmai returned to Ifaluk.

He went back to Kauai in 2013 at the age of 18 to continue his education, and he has been living near his mother and uncle in Anahola since then. He is taking courses to be an electrician. When he finishes his training, he hopes to get a job so he can make good money to send back to his family on Ifaluk.

The journalist asked him some interesting questions, such as how he reacted as a 13 year old when he landed in Oahu. He responded that he was amazed by all the buildings, by driving in a car, and by the vast numbers of people. He told her that on Ifaluk, he knows everyone and everyone is related, so encountering huge numbers of people that he didn’t even know was really surprising to him.

He didn’t know English yet, so he was frightened by people trying to talk with him, and he was scared to use a telephone. He is learning English in school and he says he likes talking in English now because it helps him learn. But he talks only in his own language with his mother, who speaks no English.

The most exciting things on Kauai for him have been the cars. He’d seen cars on Yap, the largest island in his area of Micronesia, but he had never been able to drive one. He took lessons on Kauai and has enjoyed the experience. He finally got his own vehicle in July of 2015. He compares driving a car to being a captain on a boat, such as the one he paddled as a child. When he moved to Kauai, he put down his paddle and picked up a steering wheel, he says.

Asked about the different foods on the two islands, he said that he prefers to eat the rice and beef of Kauai over the breadfruit, taro, and fish diet of Ifaluk. But asked to compare the two islands in more detail, his responses show that he still values his place of birth. He says that since the Ifaluk don’t use money, they are used to helping one another as if they are family. “When you need help, you call the people to help you,” he adds.

Not everyone on Ifaluk has access to money—but then, one does not need money to eat, since the people can live off the land. They grow vegetables and they catch fish constantly. When someone needs a new house, everyone helps to build it, and is paid by the owner of the new house in foods which they share.

He says that the coconut is an essential tree on the island. It provides the wood from which they build their houses, the rope that they use, and the medicines they need.

Ms. Lyte then asks Mr. Tarofmai how he reacts to a culture based on money. He tells her that he misses the feeling on Ifaluk that if he is tired, he can just go to sleep. Not so on Kauai. On Ifaluk, he can borrow a canoe from his uncle if he wants to go fishing. On Kauai, he needs money to buy gasoline for the boat engine—presuming he has already bought a boat. That explains, he says, why everyone on Kauai works—because everything is expensive.

He concludes that he is proud of his native culture, but he plans to stay on Kauai for a while to finish his electrician training. He recognizes the problems that the rising sea level of the Pacific Ocean are posing for small, low-lying atolls like Ifaluk. High tides are rising. As a result, the Ifaluk will be needing more help from people who have access to money. He wants to stay on Kauai for the foreseeable future and help his people from there.

How could the Amish immediately forgive a man who had just gunned down ten of their girls in a local schoolroom, murdering five and then killing himself? Within hours after the shooting spree, the parents and relatives of the victims expressed their compassion for the killer and his family. Their attitude of forgiveness stunned millions of people who were horrified by the events, which took place at the Amish school in Nickel Mines, eastern Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, on October 2, 2006.

Amish horse and buggy in Lancaster CountyAmish beliefs in forgiveness are difficult to explain or understand, particularly in a larger society that is obsessed with retributive justice. Over a year later, in July 2008, three prominent researchers published a scholarly book that sought to explain what had happened in the aftermath of the school shooting in terms of the complexity of beliefs held by the Amish, of which forgiveness is just one aspect.

Less than a year after that, Jessica Dickey, a playwright and actress, wrote and acted as the solo performer in a play called “The Amish Project, which tried to make sense of the tragedy and the Amish beliefs displayed at Nickel Mines. The play, first presented off Broadway in New York, was favorably reviewed by numerous publications.

The play has been staged on several occasions since then, and it is currently being performed in Fresno, California. A preview of the production, starring Kristin Lyn Crase playing the seven different characters scripted by the play, appeared in the Fresno Bee last week.

The journalist writing the story, Donald Munro, quotes the Director of the project, Heather Parish, who said that the play about Amish forgiveness is “an antidote to the pervasive blame, shame, and finger-wagging we all experience in our daily lives.” It suggests, she argues, that the play emphasizes the value of compassion, grace, and forgiveness in human societies.

Ms. Parish explains that the play is based on facts. The details of the shooting of the 10 children are accurate. The place where it occurred and the international media attention are facts. The ways the Amish forgave the shooter and his family are based on real events.

However, the names and details about the various characters portrayed in the play are completely fictionalized. Ms. Dickey wanted to protect the individuals, yet convey her empathy for the Amish in ways that would not invade their privacy. The solo actress, Ms. Crase in the current production, conveys the mannerisms of the different characters in the drama, including the killer, solely through her voice and acting abilities. There are only minimal furnishings and props.

Mr. Munro asks some penetrating questions, such as whether the drama will produce lasting changes in viewers’ reactions toward the frequent mass shootings that plague the U.S., such as the recent one in Oregon. Ms. Parish responds that the play does something that other types of journalistic coverage cannot achieve: “It puts a very concrete, human face on the loss and pain of such acts.”

Parrish continues that the play makes her feel empathy for the victims as probably no other medium can do. She also says that she gained a great sense of relief for herself in the fact that humans are still able to feel a strong sense of empathy for others. It gives her hope for humanity in the face of such senseless horrors as these mass killings.

Munro then asks if she could be as forgiving as the Amish were immediately after the shooter had finished killing the kids. She admits it would be hard. But she says that she has learned through her work with the play that forgiveness takes effort. It is a process, not a quick moment of action.

Coming to terms with a senseless tragedy and then saying that one forgives is a way of announcing that one will not hold any grudges, that there is no desire to create any further harm. Vengeance is not part of an effective, peaceful response to a wrong that another has committed. Coming to that decision, she argues, is a way of letting go, of continuing with life after personal tragedy.

The play will be performed at The Voice Shop, 1296 N. Wishon Ave. in Fresno, November 12 – 14, and 19 – 21.

Gregori, a grandson of the elderly shaman José Antonio Bolívar, tells the reporter, in the words of Google’s translation, “yopo is our diamond and we are here to share the highlights.” The Piaroa man adds that his grandfather can use his drugs as medicines to cure diseases, to cause pregnancies, and to purify people’s souls.

YopoFor decades, the ancient healer and his family have welcomed travelers such as a French reporter to his compound near Puerto Ayacucho, the capital city of Amazonas State in Venezuela, where they can experience hallucinogens with a master of the art. While the Piaroa believe in sharing everything within their communities, the journalist, Simon Pellet-Recht, indicates that the grandfather nonetheless charges travelers for the drug trips. A report about his experience appeared last week in Libération, a daily French newspaper.

Yopo is a hallucinogenic powder made by the Piaroa from the crushed seeds of a leguminous tree, Anadenanthera peregrina. It is mixed with ash and lime and snuffed up the nose. A sign in the room where the participants have gathered insists that they should stay squatting, not shout or make sudden movements, and keep their heads down. Mr. Pellet-Recht writes that he takes only a small dosage that first evening but he feels the effects immediately.

He quickly realizes the importance of the drug to the Piaroa. It prompts them to stop and take the time to listen and think—it invites a sense of trust, he believes, because it has weakened everyone in the room who has taken it. Almost as a necessity, the drug has facilitated a sense of respect among the participants.

As the night progresses, the participants seek their hammocks to get some sleep before they awake at daybreak. The second night, the old man starts the ceremony at midnight, lying in his hammock singing for two hours. The author takes the same strength dosage of yopo as everyone else that night in order to see what happens. His hallucinogenic experiences include dreams about a swarm of butterflies and a book flying down a white corridor. He feels a fleeting sense of euphoria.

The party leaves the next morning without having had much sleep in order to go with the shaman to another community. The author was struck by the fact that the soldiers at a military checkpoint look away when the group drives up, a result of the respect in which the shaman, Mr. Bolivar, is held by everyone. He was born in 1930.

They travel that day to a community where his aunt Josefina, who was once his nurse, lives. She is over 100. Yopo is not part of her life, Pellet-Recht writes: Piaroa women have nothing to do with the drug culture of the shamans. Their lives focus on raising cassava, fishing, and the work of the day. But Shaman Bolivar is delighted to be in the village, since it is at the heart of the Amazon and of his peaceful, and pacifying, crusade.

The author writes that not all yopo drug trips are conducted by experienced shamans. It is also used in towns, where people such as tourists simply get together in houses. But this trend does not worry the Piaroa. According to Eli, a grandson of Bonivar’s who helps conduct the event, correctly utilizing yopo requires many years of experience, such as his grandfather has had.

Robin Rodd (2008) wrote about the uses of the Banisteriopsis caapi vine (ayahuasca) as a hallucinogenic drug by Piaroa shamans and he included some helpful information about their uses of yopo. He wrote that when the shamans wanted to experience especially strong visions, they would first take, orally, powerful preparations of the caapi vine. Then they would snuff yopo.

The shaman’s success in maintaining social harmony in the community depended on his ability to perceive the needs and desires of the people, tasks which strong doses of the hallucinogens seem to facilitate, Rodd argued. The shamans believe that the caapi preparation give them proper perceptions, while the yopo “delivers the subsequent visionary punch (p.304).” The duties of the shaman include such group rituals as funerals and initiation rites, plus individual ceremonies for purposes of divination, sorcery, and healing.

The two drugs, caapi and yopo, are often consumed at the same time in order to address practical problems in the community, such as advice for hunters as to where to hunt, or where to clear a swidden gardening plot, or whom to marry. The two drugs can also help the shaman figure out “how to make spouses happier, how to keep children in school or how to get along with the other members of their family (p.304).” Yopo and caapi, in other words, help maintain peacefulness in traditional Piaroa communities.

The Zapotec in the mountain village of San Jose del Pacifico, in southern Oaxaca, resent the fact that their local hallucinogenic mushrooms are attracting backpackers who are coming just for the drug experiences. Navarro Namur, a healer, expressed his resentment strongly: “The local people here have thousands of years of history tied to these sacred plants. We welcome tourists to experience the full panorama of our culture, but we don’t accept backpackers coming here and selling the drugs just so they can get high.”

Psilocybe mexicanaThe mushroom species featured last week in a piece published by the MailOnline, from Britain’s Daily Mail newspaper, is Psilocybe mexicana. It has played an important role in the local Zapotec culture for a long time; its usage by tourists has been more recent, but growing rapidly.

Guzmán (2008) provides an effective overview of the history and uses of the hallucinogenic mushrooms of Mexico. He concludes that the sacred mushrooms of that nation belong “almost exclusively to the genus Psilocybe (p.410).” Some of the Psilocybes were used for ceremonial purposes before the Spanish conquest, but Catholic Church authorities persecuted the users and tried to force them to substitute approved church rituals for pagan ones. To this day, however, usage has persisted in some of the more remote indigenous communities in the highlands of the country.

While the Psilocybe mushrooms do grow worldwide, the reporter for the Daily Mail, Alasdair Baverstock, focused specifically on the mexicana species and its uses by the Zapotec. His article covered the local controversy about the uses of the drug by the international backpackers, and the way merchants are selling to them. One backpacker told the journalist that the mushrooms were the strongest she had ever taken, and that she ended up “hugging trees and screaming at the sky.”

But the real interest in the piece is the insight it provides into the uses that the Zapotec themselves have for the mushrooms. One is that families feed them to their young children when they are less than five years old as a rite of passage that celebrates their childhood: the fact that they have survived infancy and are now being welcomed into the community. The family will go out into the forest with the child and they will all consume the fungi together.

One man, Margarito Mendoza, remembers his childhood indoctrination. He told the reporter how scared he was of the visions he had, since he had no idea why he was having them. Along with his family, he heard the trees talking to him and the wind flowing through his eyes “like a rainbow river.” He now runs a hostel where he helps backpackers have their own trips.

Alejandro Garces, a boy of three, will be taken by his parents to the hills outside town next year so that they can, together, consume the mushrooms. As the hallucinogenic effects take hold, they’ll chant thanks to the gods for the latest member of their community, the little boy. The mother told the reporter that she didn’t feel that the experience would be at all dangerous. She regularly consumes the mushrooms herself.

Eusebia Huajanab, a local healer, told the reporter that “the mushrooms are good for the soul.” She administers the ceremony in her own sauna, called a temazcal, in which a tea is poured over hot stones to purify the people inside. The steam bath and the herbs she puts into the preparations help open the mind for the voyage on which the mushrooms will be taking the consumers, she says.

The mushrooms are either consumed fresh, or in a tea after being boiled, or they are preserved in honey. Consuming the mushrooms is normally illegal in Mexico, but traditional uses by the Zapotec are still permitted under Mexican law.

The journalist concludes by quoting Ms. Huajanab, who expresses her disgust about the changes that the drug-seeking backpackers have brought to San Jose del Pacifico. “The town used to be a happy community where people would share their belongings,” she told the reporter. But it has now become a place where the drug traffic predominates. She wonders aloud how long their ancient culture will be able to survive.

In the run-up to their hard-fought general election, won by Justin Trudeau and his Liberal Party on October 19, Canadians often expressed pride in their toleration for religious and cultural differences. Many Canadian commentators, and to judge by the results at the polls, a majority of Canadian voters, rejected what they felt were politics of divisiveness practiced by the Conservative government of Stephen Harper, and cited the fair treatment of the Hutterites as an example of inclusiveness. Many commentators also referred to the mostly-accepted rights of Hutterite women to dress differently.

Muslim women in a park, one wearing a niqabThe battle in Canada, which became a major election issue in 2015, started when Zunera Ishaq, a 29-year old woman from Mississauga who is a former English literature teacher and a mother of four, was preparing to take an oath of Canadian citizenship in 2012. She had worn her veil, called a niqab, since she was 15, and she considers wearing it as a basic symbol of her beliefs in Islam. She wears it by choice.

But she refused to take it off to swear in as a Canadian citizen—that would violate her religious beliefs. She deferred her oath-taking until her appeal could be decided in the Canadian courts. In February this year, the Federal Court of Appeals of Canada found the government’s ban on wearing a niqab during the oath taking to be unlawful.

Prime Minister Harper and his Conservative government unleashed a firestorm of political debate over the issue—he tried to have the decision delayed, but the courts denied the move. Ms. Isahq took her oath as a new Canadian citizen on Friday, October 9, ten days before the election. She wore her veil during the ceremony, a right she had won.

Mary-Ann Kirkby, who has written a couple books on the Hutterites and lived in a colony until the age of 10, spoke out about the controversy. She pointed out that Hutterites have endured criticisms comparable to those faced by the Muslim women with their niqabs. She described the not-so-sunny history of Hutterites in Alberta, when laws were passed prohibiting the sale of land for the purposes of developing colonies, which clearly discriminated against the Hutterites. She referred to those laws as “among the most blatant discriminatory pieces of legislation in Canadian history.”

Ms. Kirkby continued, “that is why the niqab issue raises so many red flags for me, personally. Canada is home to the highest concentration of Hutterites in the world, yet even today if a Hutterite woman had to take off her Tiechel [a polka-dotted head scarf] to swear an oath to become a Canadian citizen there would be no Hutterites in Canada.”

She continued that the traditional long dresses, long sleeved blouses, and head coverings of Hutterite females were all she knew as a kid. While she no longer lives in a colony or dresses in the traditional Hutterite garb, she said that Canadians should view the controversy over the niqab in the same light.

Controversy raged in the weeks leading up to the election. For instance, one writer opined that “by elevating the wearing of the niqab to a major election issue, Conservative leader Stephen Harper has fanned the flames of intolerance and bigotry in Canada for the sole purpose of driving a wedge between voters who feel uncomfortable that a woman would hide her identity for the sake of her or her family’s religious beliefs, and those who feel that no matter how strange and ‘un-Canadian’ it appears, it’s her right to do so.” Many editorials and letters to the editor of course defended the Harper government’s approach.

The polling itself on October 19 allowed Canadians to finally express their opinions about the government of Mr. Harper, and the opposition leader Justin Trudeau. Some voters appeared at the polling places wearing face coverings such as a wrestling mask, to vote—and to deride the government for its position on the niqab issue. In one polling place, an Elections Canada person told a protester that he would have to take off his mask, but the man responded by telling him how the regulations do permit him to vote. One man was photographed wearing a pumpkin to his polling place in Ottawa.

In a newspaper opinion piece last week, well after the voters had decided to turn Harper out of office, Alex McCuaig reviewed the history of toleration for the Hutterites as an example of how Muslim women should be treated. But he discussed “a few bumps in the road.” He described the Alberta requirement that driver’s licenses must have photos on them, even for Hutterites who refuse to have their photos taken. The Hutterites at a colony that protested the requirement went to court. That requirement was vetoed by the Alberta Court of Appeals in 2007 but that decision was overturned by the Canadian Supreme Court in 2009.

Mr. McCuaig argues that while that particular decision went against the desire of some Hutterites to have driver’s licenses without photos “there still [exist] a number of avenues in which their religious practices are accommodated that allow for separate schools, language education and rights to live communally. Alberta’s Hutterites are the archetype of religious tolerance and accommodation in this country,” he concludes. The interest in all of this is that, notwithstanding the controversies that have at times surrounded some of the Hutterites and their businesses, many Canadians appear to celebrate the colonies as examples of the toleration they cherish about themselves.

“If Canadians are open enough to accommodate Hutterites—whose first language is not English, French or a First Nations tongue—why is a cloth across a free-thinking woman’s face so distressful?” McCuaig concludes. Zunera Ishaq, he argues, “is more Canadian than most as she fought and won a battle for those who wish to see religious freedoms maintained in this country.”

Karen Johnson-Weiner, a prominent scholar from New York State, is studying the lives of Amish women during a semester-long fellowship at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. Professor Johnson-Weiner is currently a Snowden Fellow in the Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies at the college campus in Lancaster County.

Amish Women on a beach in VirginiaAccording to an article in LancasterOnline, she has studied several aspects of Amish culture. During her graduate training at McGill University, she was intrigued when she overheard a young Amish mother speaking Pennsylvania Dutch to her baby. Reflecting that her own child was about that age, she decided to focus on their language.

Johnson-Weiner, who is a Distinguished Service Professor of Linguistic Anthropology at the State University of New York, Potsdam, was fascinated by the fact that they were able to maintain fluency in their own language, which they speak in their homes, yet develop fluency in English as well. She believes that their success in developing such bilingual fluency is based on the expectations of Amish adults that their children will learn to speak both languages correctly. It is a standard that most children simply have to live up to, despite the fact that their formal schooling ceases at the eighth grade.

Subsequently, she has studied the Swartzentruber group, the most conservative of all the Amish sects. Commenting about Prof. Johnson-Weiner’s work, Don Kraybill said, “more than any other Amish scholar, she has unpacked the spiritual world of the reclusive Swartzentruber Amish—the most insular, modernity-rejecting Amish group in America.”

Because she often had her child with her when she was visiting Amish homes, she usually spent her time socializing with the Amish women rather than with the men. She found that what she read about Amish women in the standard published sources simply didn’t match up with what she was learning from the women themselves.

She found that the simple stereotypes of Amish women—that they are mostly just homemakers—didn’t capture the many different roles that they play within their communities, whether they are conservative or more liberal in their rules. The women can be artists, writers, farmers, and business owners, as well as wives and mothers.

The professor pointed out to LancasterOnline that distinctions between secular life and church life accepted by the American mainstream society are not really accurate for the Amish. Religious activities and everyday behavior are not easily separable in their culture. She is hoping that her access to the extensive archives and library at the Young Center this semester, plus the chance to get out and meet Amish women around Lancaster County, will allow her to better understand what it is like to be an Amish woman. She wants to look beyond the “stereotypes, myths and imaginative fictions” about them.

The old Ladakhi men are sitting in a line on one side of the community hall arranged by descending age, with the eldest in the corner. The women bring around five gallon buckets of chang, the local beverage, bantering amiably as they fill the mugs of the men. The villagers living in Kumik, in the Zanskar region of Ladakh, sing old songs and perform traditional dances.

Fire and Ice, book by Jonathan MingleJonathan Mingle, author of a new book on Zanskar, quotes one of the songs sung by the village women expressing pride in the community: “Kumik is like a small flower that grows high in the mountains, and only needs a little water (p.208).” The women dance around the room singing songs about a mythic heroine, Ache Lhame Dolma, a person that no one knows much about. Mingle suspects, however, that the heroine exemplifies the hard-working qualities of the village women.

The author focuses much of his book on a major, worldwide pollutant and a cause of global climate change called black carbon, better known as soot. It is formed through the incomplete burning of fuels such as wood, dried dung (in Ladakh and other parts of India), and petroleum products such as diesel oil. It evidently is a more immediate cause of climate disruption and the melting of glaciers in some parts of the world than high levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.

Mingle alternates discussions about the harmful effects of black carbon with vignettes of the endearing character and enduring nature of the Zanskari people, particularly those in his study village. His basic point is to use Kumik as an example of the harm posed by black carbon, but he provides many interesting details about life in that remote Ladakhi community.

In the old days, before 1981 when a road was built into the valley, neighbors in Kumik depended on sharing the embers from their fires in case their own died during the night. They had no matches in those times. When the embers died in a woman’s house, she would send her son out with a plate to visit a neighbor and borrow an ember. The eternal flame of Prometheus was the sharing of fire with the neighbor next door.

Sharing water was, and still is, just as important. The households take turns drawing water from the water canals, a few hours each, for their fields. Their system of cooperation for the year begins in late May when they work together to plow and plant their fields. The sharing of water for their various fields is animated by a spirit comparable to the sharing of embers from a hearth. They believe that if people take more than their fair shares, their cooperative social structure will collapse.

Unlike the Ladakhi villagers in the Indus Valley 50 miles to the northeast, where each community has an elected charpon, a “lord of the water” to adjudicate disputes, the Zansakri village polices itself. When minor transgressions occur—someone deepens his channel in the dark of the night—everyone quickly hears about it, but the transgression prompts jokes instead of fights.

Open disputes are rare, and village elders quickly extinguish them. “Festering conflicts are a source of dread to Zanskaris and Ladakhis,” Mingle writes (p.100). He notes that the people put out arguments more quickly than fires. People view them as serious threats. At all times they are aware of the importance of living closely together.

However, life in the remote village of 39 homes is changing. The snowfields and glaciers which feed the stream that supplies water to Kumik are drying up. The Kumikpas, the villagers, have decided to build a new village for themselves located lower down near the Zanskar River. Mingle visits the village year after year, making friends and chronicling their slow progress in building new dwellings so the whole village can ultimately move to the better location.

Some of the traditions of the Zanskari village, such as the attempts to resolve conflicts nonviolently, persist despite the changes. At a village meeting that the author attended, called to discuss the failure of the stream, some people became tense, but peacemakers stepped forward to calm the others. Most of the people avoided a conflict by simply staring at the floor. “Their pinched expressions reminded me, once again, that Zanskaris are some of the most conflict-averse people on the planet,” Mingle writes (p.13-14).

But the ties that bind the Zanskari villagers, the informal safety nets, are fraying. One of Mingle’s friends tells him that before, if one man had a more powerful dzo, he would help his neighbor to plant his field. In return, the neighbor would help him with his harvests in the fall. But now, things are different, the friend says. “Everyone wants to finish quick. Now, not helping. Now they don’t have time. Time is money (p.113).”

Also, fewer people are engaged in agriculture and the logic of bes, the sharing system, has been undercut. For some households in Kumik, the need to contribute time to the sharing has vanished, but for others, the old ways should be preserved. Some families have numerous strong young people to help with communal projects but others don’t.

Mingle tells of a particularly searing event in the community that occurred one day when candidates from the Congress Party stop in Kumik seeking votes. Mingle attends the pitch of the politicians in the community hall. After they finish and leave, some villagers also leave but others stay to socialize. Suddenly, a few individuals explode in anger at one another—the result of too much drink and of differing party loyalties.

The rest of the people look on, stunned by the outbursts. One man, screaming with rage, picks up a wooden table as if he will crash it down on the head of his opponent. The hall is shocked and, perhaps sensing that, the man lowers his weapon. The author realizes how shocked everyone was by that sudden display of anger. “The men had edged up to the abyss and then backed away, chastened by what they had seen there,” he writes (p.352). The author admits he does not know all the facts, but he decides that something has upset the traditional balance between cooperation and competition in Kumik.

While the primary focus of the book is on the story of black carbon as a major contributor to global climate change and to human illnesses, the lengthy discussions about life in Kumik provide valuable insights into an obscure, but fascinating, corner of Ladakh.

Mingle, Jonathan. 2015. Fire and Ice: Soot, Solidarity, and Survival on the Roof of the World. New York: St. Martin’s Press