A recent conference focusing on missing or murdered indigenous women and girls held in Winnipeg sought to stem the violence perpetrated against Inuit females. The round table meeting, held February 24 – 26, included government and Inuit leaders plus the families of victims. Participants spoke about the importance of finding resources that would end the continuing violence, which contrasts with the traditional ways of the Inuit society.

Two Inuit women carrying their children in the traditional fashion, in the hoods of their parkas
Two Inuit women carrying their children in the traditional fashion, in the hoods of their parkas (Photo by Spencer & Carole on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

According to a news report about the meeting appearing in Nunatsiaq Online last week, Natan Obed, the president of Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, a major Inuit organization, attended the meeting. He said that all levels of government as well as Inuit non-governmental organizations need to become involved. He finds it to be “very meaningful to be in a room where all we are talking about is murdered and missing Indigenous women, and to a greater extent, the inequalities, and the need to overcome them, for our women and girls.”

Mr. Obed discussed the factors that are causing the violence, including overcrowding, addictions, inadequate housing, the absence of adequate mental health services, the lack of safe shelters, and racism in the structures of policing and justice. Solving the problem of violence is complex, but it is important to start by addressing the issues.

“It’s something we can do something about, as Inuit, as individuals,” he said. “We can make our lives better. We can make constructive choices. We can choose to follow the paths that lead us to a better society.” But they do need the support of government agencies for help in making the structural changes that will improve the situation. Mr. Obed summarized the meeting by saying that a lot of anger and emotion was expressed by family members of victims.

Monica Ell-Kanayuk, Minister for the Status of Women, Government of Nunavut
Monica Ell-Kanayuk, Minister for the Status of Women, Government of Nunavut (Image freely available under the Fair Dealing provision of the Copyright Act of Canada)

Monica Ell-Kanayuk, Deputy Premier of Nunavut and Minister responsible for the Status of Women, attended the conference and plans to try and make the issue a priority with the territorial legislature. She expressed impatience with the plans of the new Trudeau government to go forward by launching an inquiry into the issue. The process of having a formal inquiry, and studying its recommendations, will take years.

“The work we need to do cannot wait until inquiry recommendations come out,” she said. “Some of them we need to do now, to make changes.” Her impatience with the need for change expressed the sense of the roundtable conference. The participants at the end of the meeting prepared a listing of 20 needed outcomes, four of which the news report listed: improving the safety of women and girls in Canadian indigenous communities; anti-racist training for police, civil service employees, and people in the justice system; implementing the recommendations from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and strengthening measures for protecting the safety of indigenous females. Inuit participants concluded the meeting with the hope that their society was reaching a turning point toward a better future for women and girls.

A news report last July about violence in the home against women and girls summarized the traditional male/female relationships in Inuit society when they used to live out on the land. Briggs (1974), as cited in that news story, wrote that Inuit men and women, when they lived on the land, had clearly defined separate roles, which helped to maintain social stability.

Inuit woman sewing in a tent.
Inuit woman sewing in a tent. (Rosemary Gilliat, Library and Archives Canada e010836087. Image circa 1960 on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Men were the hunters and did the heavy work around the camp, while women did the lighter work, cared for the children, and made the clothing that was essential for staying warm. No one could survive without the game that the men brought in, and, equally, no one could live without the warm clothing of the women. While the men could, and did, some housework and the women did some hunting, they all felt that the work of the other was indispensable, Briggs emphasized.

Billson (2006) wrote that the move from the land into settled communities during the 1960s led to what she called “gender regimes,” situations that prompted an increase of violence against women. These incidents of violence—human rights violations—occur much more frequently than they did in the past when the Inuit lived as hunters and gatherers. She did her fieldwork in Pangnirtung, on Baffin Island, from 1988 through 2001, during which she interviewed about 100 women and 20 men.

Two Inuit women at a camp on the land at Pangnirtung in August 1931
Two Inuit women at a camp on the land at Pangnirtung in August 1931 (Photo by Qaqqaqtunaaq on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

While it was difficult for the author to be sure, it appeared to Billson’s older informants that there was much less violence against women when they still lived out on the land. There were clearly occasions of wife stealing, fighting about women, even killing, and some of the older men argued that it was acceptable in the old days for men to hit their wives. But older women argued back, as one told the author, “If you look back at our culture, assault wasn’t ‘traditional.’ There wasn’t much wife beating out on the land, because there weren’t all the social pressures (p.72).”

The older women in Pangnirtung felt that family violence, in former times, was strongly condemned. It was rare. People repeated the oft-used mantra of the traditional Inuit—that marriage wasn’t an option, it was an economic necessity, a union between a seamstress and a hunter. Both functions were essential for survival on the land. The participants in Billson’s study confirmed what other sources have stated: that the rates of violence against women have skyrocketed since they moved in from the land.

Two Inuit girls
Two Inuit girls (Photo by Susan van Gelder on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The destructive behavior of violence against Inuit women and girls has developed from a complex of conditions, including of course the fact that the people moved to settled communities. The effects of resettlement have been exacerbated by such factors as stresses in the community, marginalization, the misuse of alcohol and drugs, and the substitution of patriarchal for egalitarian values. In essence, an Inuk minister argued, the major problems have come from the outside, not from within the Inuit culture.

Billson concluded that “just as the causes of domestic violence are complex, so too are the solutions (p.81).” Her sources complained that the formal avenues of criminal justice were not really working, a situation 16 years ago that clearly is unchanged today, to judge by the report from the recent meeting in Winnipeg. One can only hope that the awareness being raised by the participants in that meeting will finally result in improvements.

The media often report how the Amish form work groups after disasters strike in order  to repair and reconstruct buildings that have burned down or blown away. The Amish in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, exceeded even their own high standards over the past two weeks by rapidly rebuilding structures destroyed by a tornado.

Amish farm country of eastern Lancaster County, Pennsylvania
Amish farm country of eastern Lancaster County, Pennsylvania (Photo by JR P on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

On Wednesday evening, February 24, a series of tornadoes swept across parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, causing serious destruction in both states. A news report late the next evening indicated that an EF2 tornado, winds estimated at 120 – 125 mph, had touched down near White Horse, in Salisbury Township, eastern Lancaster County. It is farming country, heavily settled by Amish farms and businesses. The path of destruction was about 400 yards wide and 4.7 miles long. It damaged or destroyed up to 50 buildings, causing around $8 million in damages.

Early the next morning, the Amish were arriving from miles around to pitch in and help with the rebuilding process. They indicated to the reporter that they would repair damaged structures as much as possible, and replace ones that were completely destroyed—such as a one-room schoolhouse that was demolished by the storm. They said they planned to begin constructing the new school the next day, Friday, February 26.

Many Amish men working to build a new barn on an Amish farm
Many Amish men working to build a new barn on an Amish farm (Photo by Cindy Cornett Seigle on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The reporter that Thursday evening quoted a neighbor named Paul Miller who witnessed the Amish community’s response and said, “It’s amazing, it’s really amazing to watch these guys work, hustle. At one time I couldn’t even count the number of guys working.”

The reporter visited the command center that had been set up at a local fire company building. One volunteer said that “hundreds and hundreds” of Amish contractors had appeared that Thursday with their employees to help with the cleanup.

Fortunately, another reporter went back to Salisbury Township a week later and filed a report on Wednesday, March 2, about the progress of the Amish cleanup efforts. The reporter, Michaelle Bond, went into detail about some of the destroyed buildings and the ways the Amish were cleaning and rebuilding. She wrote, for instance, that the remains of the Amish school consisted of a rusty green swing set, two seesaws, and a small “stucco-walled bathroom”—a discrete way of saying, an outhouse.

John Smucker, the secretary of the Amish school board and himself a building contractor, was on the scene shortly after the tornado swept through, attempting to figure out how they were going to start rebuilding once daylight came. Less than a week after the storm, the replacement school was nearly completed.

Amish home in Pennsylvania with a summer storm approaching
Amish home in Pennsylvania with a summer storm approaching (Photo by Trey Ratcliff on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Visiting the new school building, the reporter watched and listened to the pounding of hammers and the buzz of saws. Before the new school could be finished, classes were held in an Amish home in the area. The Amish workers estimated that the new school would be ready for use by the second week after the storm. Mr. Smucker said he was coordinating the rebuilding of the schoolhouse while another Amish man, a cabinetmaker, was providing the storage space in the new building.

One official, Randall Gockley, Director of the Emergency Management Agency for Lancaster County, commented to the reporter that he had witnessed many responses to disasters, but this was the fastest he had seen in his 28 years with the agency. He noted that the tornado had hit at 7:38 p.m. and within 12 hours, hundreds of Amish from all over Lancaster County and even from outside the county, had arrived. “This is the way they do things. They really come together as a community and work to solve the problem.”

An Amish buggy and an Amish man on a scooter ride through the village of White Horse
An Amish buggy and an Amish man on a scooter ride through the village of White Horse (Photo by Jared Kofsky/placenj.com in the Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

Sam Stoltzfus, the president of the fire company in White Horse, said basically the same thing: “We have an awesome community.” Even for non-Amish living in the area and used to the ways they quickly rebuild a barn after a fire, it was amazing that over 3,000 volunteers turned out to help. Stoltzfus estimated that most of the work repairing or rebuilding about 50 houses, barns, chicken buildings, and other structures was completed by the end of February.

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Anthropologist and author, Dr. Leslie Sponsel. (Photo courtesy of Leslie Sponsel and the University of Hawaii.)

In “Peace and Nonviolence: Anthropological Aspects,” Leslie Sponsel presents a concise and convincing argument for the persistence of nonviolent behavior throughout prehistory and history by providing numerous empirical examples from an anthropological perspective. Because of the inherent multidisciplinary approach anthropology provides, it creates the ideal framework from which to view peace and nonviolence in contrast to war and aggression. As Sponsel demonstrates, a broad view is necessary in order for researchers to remain objective regarding these important aspects of human behavior.

Throughout the article, Sponsel introduces the reader to the primary contributors to the field of peace studies. First, we are introduced to Ashley Montagu, a founding figure of peace studies in anthropology. As a humanist and biological anthropologist, Montagu rejected the pseudoscientific and aggressive stereotypes of ‘man the warrior’ and the myth of ‘innate depravity.’ Montagu argued that these labels were biologically reductionist and deterministic. Montagu also brought to light nonviolent and peaceful cultures such as the Fore, Ju/’hoansi, San, Inuit, Semai, and Australian Aboriginals, demonstrating that aggression is largely a learned behavior.

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A gathering of San/Bushman children in Namibia. The San are one of many peaceful societies throughout the world. (Photo by Nicolas M. Perrault, Creative Commons license)

However, Sponsel reminds us that since Montagu’s original research over three decades ago, a wealth of material has been gathered, further documenting and reinforcing his rebuttals of innate human aggression. Fields other than anthropology have also contributed to the view that peace and nonviolence are normative, rather than the exception. Of note is the work of historian, Matthew Melko, who identified 52 societies with periods of peace (without any warfare) lasting more than a century. Melko points out that the emphasis on war in history creates a false impression that peace is rare.

Peace scholar David Fabbro takes the argument for peace to another level by pointing out the features of peaceful societies including egalitarian social structure, reciprocity, and nonviolent values, among others. Sponsel also points out how Bruce Bonta has validated Fabbro’s research with his extensive collection of cross-cultural data. As a result of this wealth of ethnographic material, Bonta posits that the worldview, values, attitudes, and customs of peaceful societies are markedly different from violent and warlike societies. In addition, these societies are committed to nonviolence conflict resolution.

Sponsel goes on to provide his own anthropological evidence for rejecting the notion of innate human depravity. First, he states that violence is not to be confused with conflict. Conflict is inevitable, but violence is not. Second, humans have the psychobiological potential to be either nonviolent/peaceful or violent/warlike. Third, nonviolence and peace are typical throughout prehistoric and non-state societies. Fourth, war is far from being a universal cultural trait. Fifth, the human potential for worldwide peace is achievable.

Egyptian_Domesticated_Animals
An Egyptian milking a domesticated cow. Egypt is one of the earliest known complex civilizations. (Photo credit: Fragen an die Natur, via The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1948, Public Domain/Creative Commons license)

Taking these elements into account, we are then introduced to the archaeological work of Raymond Kelly which provides evidence that warfare is lacking before 14,000 – 12,000 BP, and was rare to absent until around 7500-7000 BP. These dates suggest that warfare is connected to the development of agriculture, sedentary behavior, and complex society. Moreover, Kelly concluded that nomadic societies are warless in great part due to their band levels of social organization and fluid group membership. Thus, without strong leadership or clear ties to the group, war is far less likely. Also, defense of agricultural goods are not a concern for nomadic foragers.

Sponsel then presents us with Douglas Fry’s work that draws attention to the cultural biases of research on war and violence. Fry argues that by assuming the ‘beast within’ position of human nature common throughout Western society, even scientists unknowingly exaggerate levels of war and aggression. As a result of such thinking, war is often defined as intergroup aggression and conflated with interpersonal violence and feuding. Another anthropologist, Brian Ferguson, gathered evidence suggesting that outside influences such as colonialism have driven tribal warfare. One tribe that suffered from outside sociopolitical influences was the Yanomami. The Yanomami have also been studied by Napoleon Chagnon, whose well-known work is believed to have over emphasized Yanomami aggression at the expense of evidence of nonviolence in this culture.

Returning to the plasticity of human behavior and the human potential for peace, Sponsel points to the Waorani society of the Amazon. This society changed their behavior from violent to nonviolent after contact with missionaries. Additionally, political scientist Glenn Paige challenges the view that killing is an inescapable aspect of human nature. Paige concludes that while humans are capable of killing, most humans are not killers and a more objective view of these behaviors is needed in scholarly research. In keeping with this line of thought, Fry and Karolina Baszarkiewics provide evidence that human aggression and killing exists on a continuum and is anything but fixed.

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Relief of an Akkadian and his wounded adversaries around 2260 B.C.E. Akkad was an empire in ancient Mesopotamia. (Photo from Public Domain/Creative Commons license)

Having addressed the evidence in support of peaceful and nonviolent behaviors, Sponsel then takes on the apologists of war and their highly reductionist viewpoints of human behavior. While a number of scholars are mentioned, Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson are responsible for the highly influential work, Demonic Males: Apes and the Origin of Human Violence. This book, among others, asserts the inevitability of territoriality, competition, hostility, violence, and warfare between societies. In short, humans are the ultimate killer apes. While Wrangham and authors like him seek to discredit the ‘pacification of the past’ by anthropologists, they also fail to take into account evidence of nonviolent behaviors. In addition, sociobiologist E. O. Wilson also takes the approach of war as a universal human characteristic. Unfortunately, Wilson is guilty of making the same faulty assumptions of biological determinism as Wrangham and Chagnon, not to mention the nineteenth century evolutionists.

Sponsel reminds us that even the psychological evidence disproves the idea of humans as demonic killing machines. Studies have shown that only 20% or so of soldiers fire their weapons at the enemy in battle and those that do often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder as a result. Ultimately, humans evolved to be social in ways that do not promote killing since this is contradictory to the cooperative and reciprocal behaviors that insure survival. In addition, both Fry and Sponsel reiterate that this systemic bias towards innate killing and war simply ignores over three decades of archaeological, biological, anthropological, and historical evidence to the contrary. This misleading mindset is closely linked to Western culture and the all-too-powerful military industrial complex, which benefits from the normalization of violence.

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An Aboriginal artist at work in Arnhem Land, Australia. Aboriginal tribes exhibit a high degree of unity and peaceful relations. (Photo by Mark Roy, from Jabiru, Australia, and Glen Namundja, Creative Commons license)

Moreover, in creating this harsh dialectical narrative, sometimes categorized as liberal versus realist, potentially beneficial nonviolent options for resolving both domestic and international conflicts are downplayed or eliminated. Yet again, Sponsel points out that there are many peaceful societies worldwide and that violence does indeed exist on a continuum. Peace and nonviolence are as much, if not far more, a part of human behavior as war and violence. As he puts it so clearly, “Peace is more than simply the absence of war, just as life is more than simply the absence of death.”

Sponsel, Leslie E. 2015. Peace and Nonviolence: Anthropological Aspects. In: James D. Wright editor, International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2nd Edition, Vol 17. Oxford: Elsevier. pp. 624-630.

Review by Sherrie Alexander, University of Alabama at Birmingham

Some peaceful societies wrestle with whether or not to adopt the latest technologies, but not the Rural Thai—they see only advantages in using their 4G mobile devices. The Ifaluk prohibit many things, such as motorboats, that might corrupt their traditional culture. The Amish are famed for evaluating all new technological devices because they want to keep their distance from mainstream social values. They suspect that electricity in their homes or cars in their yards might disrupt their lives. Many of the other peaceful societies also struggle to preserve their traditional ways.

Thailand, according to an article published last week, was slow in adopting Internet access widely, but since 2007, and especially in more recent years with the advent of 4G (fourth generation) Internet access, the Thai people have rushed to buy and use mobile devices. At this point, 69 percent of the Thai own at least one smartphone. Budget packages in the highly competitive telco market have led to the remarkable statistic that 122 percent of the Thai now have mobile connections to the Internet.

Respect displayed for King Bhumibol in a Thai shantytown
Respect displayed for King Bhumibol in a Thai shantytown (Photo by Gerry Popplestone on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The author of the article, Jenny Chan, points out that along with the widespread national respect for their revered monarch, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, mobile has become the other important unifying force in the nation. More impressively, Thailand now leads the world in per capita mobile Internet usage, with about four hours per day per person. One tech company executive commented, “Thailand is a mobile-led society.”

The writer cites some figures showing the rapid growth of 4G use in Thailand. Line, an instant messaging service, is used by 74 percent of all Thai people, compared with a figure of 55 percent worldwide. Line has 33 million users in Thailand—half the population. Bangkok is the leading city in the world for usage of Facebook, and about 65 percent of the Thai people use it to help them with their shopping needs.

The author points out, however, that the Thai mobile users don’t just shop. They focus on watching tense dramas, humorous comedies, and programs that share gossip. Chan continues that the social media are favorites of the Thai, and increasingly the Rural Thai, but while they are openly consumers of the digital fare and the shopping services, they remain conservative and quite analog in their interpersonal relationships. The Chief Executive Officer of McCann Thailand, Yupin Muntzing, told the author, “Whatever we are expressing on Facebook, when it comes to reality we may not do so, as rooted in the Thai culture of being accommodating.”

A banner along a Bangkok street in June 2014 telling the Thai that using the “share” or “like” functions in the social media was prohibited and subject to a prison sentence
A banner along a Bangkok street in June 2014 telling the Thai that using the “share” or “like” functions in the social media was prohibited and subject to a prison sentence (Photo by Pratyeka in the Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

Another Thai executive, Rattakom Potharam, from the company MRM Thailand, argued that e-commerce in the nation is becoming an unstoppable, borderless force, particularly among younger people. He opined that Thai consumers are born to be social. They are especially eager for chemistry, rapport, and relationships, and the social media are fulfilling that need. Facebook, Line, and Instagram have become marketplaces for conversations and social interactions. However, the author of the report doesn’t mention the temporary prohibition on the use of Facebook imposed by the nation’s military rulers after the coup in 2014.

Shopping in Thailand is rapidly moving onto the Internet. Searching smaller businesses, such as the companies that sell the famed “Child Angel” or “Luk Thep” dolls, has become common. Restaurants, airlines, and other industries have already adapted themselves to the latest Thai fad—owning and pampering the lifelike dolls, which some adults treat just like children. According to one article about the craze, some adults even take their dolls on flights, pay for seats, insist that their “children” be buckled in, and hassle the flight attendants about proper refreshments for them.

Shopping for clothing for the dolls, and for other goods of course, on the social media, and then quickly purchasing recommended items, has becoming routine for the Thai. Use of 4G devices in Rural Thailand is expanding, and with it the use of social media and the purchasing patterns already in place in the cities.

One of the advantages of online shopping to Thai marketers is their enhanced ability to analyze what their consumers want. For instance, according to an analysis of market data from WearYouWant.com, an online shopping firm, Thai shoppers may buy different products outside of Bangkok than they do in the metropolis. In Chiang Mai, a favorite purchase, particularly during December, is of white shoes. In Nonthaburi, online shoppers buy makeup and skincare products. In Chonburi, 79 percent of all orders placed are for black outfits.

King Bhumibol may be ailing and the Thai economy is certainly not too healthy but, Ms. Chan concludes, at least the Thai have their mobile devices to keep them going and happy.

Daily News Egypt published a story last week about a new organization that is trying to correct the stereotypes that many people have about the Nubians, people known for their traditional dances, colorful houses along the Nile, and beautiful smiles. The media often focus on such images, which cover up realities that are not as pleasant.

A colorful Nubian house
A colorful Nubian house (Photo by Norman Walsh on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Some young Nubians decided to challenge the images—that the Nubians are more than just a generous people, that they do more than just hold traditional dances, and that they do not always live in charming settings. The founders started an organization they call “Komma,” a word that means “story,” implying that there is a need to project a correct narrative about contemporary Nubian society in Egypt.

According to Mohammed Thomas, the founder of Komma, the group has two primary goals: improving Nubian society itself and correcting inadequate stereotypes that the media often use to describe the people. In fact, rather than living in idyllic riverside villages, many Nubians, forced to leave their homes when the Aswan Dam was closed in the 1960s, live in a miserable resettlement community far from the river called Kom Ombo.

Thomas added that the Nubians living in Kom Ombo often call it “‘Hell Terrain’ because of the high temperatures there and its long distance from the Nile.” The community lacks sufficient schools, adequate healthcare, reliable electricity, and decent sewage systems. It also lacks enough schools, he charged.

A young Nubian as she was selling handicrafts to tourists
A young Nubian as she was selling handicrafts to tourists (Photo by José Angel Morente Valero on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The Komma initiative will help foster better impressions of contemporary realities of Egyptian Nubians in the minds of the Arab majority of the country. It intends to promote an understanding of the customs, traditions, language, and civilization of the Nubian people by publicizing the experiences of young Nubians. It will do this through speeches and documentaries, spoken in Nubian but with Arabic subtitles, so that Egyptians can learn more about the minority group.

Working with the Nubian communities, Thomas and four other men organized their first event in the Falaki Theater in downtown Cairo. The next event will be held in April at a venue called El Sawy Culture Wheel, an important cultural facility in central Cairo. He expects that the initiatives of the group will attract additional media attention and after that, he hopes, decision makers and ordinary Egyptians will become aware of the sufferings of the Nubians.

Researchers affiliated with the University of Nottingham observed at the beginning of February that Southeast Asian rainforests can be food deserts for wildlife, though the Chewong are making a difference for terrestrial mammals. The reason, the scholars reported in a journal article, is that the forests do not produce an abundance of fruits. The investigation has significant implications for the conservation of rainforests.

A dipterocarp forest in the Sabah state of Malaysia
A dipterocarp forest in the Sabah state of Malaysia (Photo by Col Ford and Natasha de Vere on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The study reported that the famed dipterocarp forests, dominated by giant, emergent trees, typically produce mast crops only irregularly, at intervals of perhaps two to seven years. As a result, frugivorous animals occur in relatively low densities in these forests since they are sensitive to the irregularity of the mast crops. The researchers investigated the role of the Chewong fruit gardens in possibly benefiting forest wildlife.

The researchers did their study in the Krau Wildlife Reserve, a 600 square km. tract of forest land located roughly in the center of Peninsular Malaysia. It has been continuously occupied by the Chewong, at least since the reserve was gazetted in 1923.

About half of the 400 or so Chewong continue to live within the reserve boundaries. They still practice traditional cultivation methods plus they subsist on fish, hunted game, herbs and the wild fruits they gather—the subject of the research project. They clear patches of forest for planted crops next to some of the fruit gardens they have established within the forest. The Chewong are limited in the extent of their integration into the larger Malay society and they are highly reliant on forest products for their livelihoods.

Chewong techniques for developing and managing their fruit gardens include selecting suitable tracts of forest lands, removing some trees either for building materials or just because they are not wanted, then planting desirable fruiting native trees such as mango, durian, kepayang, cempedak, and rambutan. The fruit gardens are tended a little, and the fruit is collected every year from June through August for as long as 50 years.

A durian tree covered with fruit
A durian tree covered with fruit (Photo by Zaqqy on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The fruit gardens are developed in patches that are contiguous with the original forests, with very little clearance of the old growth. Much of the original vegetation is left intact. The net result is that the original forest is maintained, only it is augmented with higher densities of seasonally available fruit crops.

The goal of the project was to ascertain in what ways the Chewong fruit gardens influence the composition, abundance, and diversity of terrestrial mammals. The procedure of the scientists was to use camera traps to survey animals moving along game trails in the fruit gardens and, as controls, along similar game trails in nearby forests that were not and had never been fruit gardens.

The authors relied on Chewong guides to identify areas that are, or had been, fruit gardens in the forest versus the control plots on natural, unmodified forestlands. The researchers established seven study plots in the fruit gardens and eight plots in the control areas. They studied the images of the animals the cameras recorded at each plot for eight weeks.

A Malayan tapir in the Taman Negara National Park of Malaysia
A Malayan tapir in the Taman Negara National Park of Malaysia (Photo by Bernard Dupont on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The camera traps recorded 1678 individual animals, including 16 species of mammals, four species of birds, and one reptile species. Nine of the species have IUCN protected status, including the Malayan tapir, an endangered species. Four of the tapirs were detected in the fruit gardens though, significantly, none in the control plots.

Of the six species of mammals that the IUCN lists as “vulnerable,” five of the Asian small-clawed otters appeared in the fruit gardens but none were recorded in the control areas. All of the species they recorded were found within the fruit gardens but only 16 also occurred in the control plots.

The results showed that the higher density of fruiting trees in the fruit gardens supported a greater diversity and biomass of terrestrial, frugivorous mammals compared to the control plots. This clearly demonstrated “that fruit gardens are playing an important role in attracting and supporting terrestrial mammals (p.136).”

The reason is simple: the fruit gardens contain a greater number of tree species that produce fleshy fruits. But there are serious implications, such as the possibility of enhancing mammal habitat by improving the availability of fruiting forest trees, a management strategy that may have widespread potential for other tropical regions.

The authors emphasized several factors that enhance the fruit gardens as places that wildlife favor. One is that the Chewong locate their fruit gardens right within the intact forest ecosystems in the Krau Wildlife Reserve, instead of on the periphery of the forests as many other indigenous, forest-based people do.

Another crucial factor is that the Chewong fruit gardens have the same basal areas as the surrounding forests. They have limited scale and have been developed by the Chewong with only limited clearance of native trees. The Chewong typically maintain the original structure of the canopy and the natural composition of the vegetation. Other agroforestry plots reported in the literature have been managed more intensively, which has resulted in fewer mammals, especially arboreal species that are disrupted by reductions of the canopy.

A long-tailed macaque eating a rambutan fruit
A long-tailed macaque eating a rambutan fruit (Photo by Elizabeth Donoghue on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The researchers found an abundance of small mammals along the forest floor, such as the long-tailed macaques, which were recorded primarily in the fruit gardens. They evidently thrive on fruits such as the rambutan produced by trees that the Chewong have planted.

But that leads to another point. The abundance of small mammals suggested a “partially defaunated system,” the authors observed. Large-bodied mammals, such as elephants and rhinos, which normally would also be eating the fruits, were not recorded because they have been eliminated from that part of Malaysia. Those animals would disperse seeds better and farther than the smaller mammals. Hence, the Chewong, through the creation and maintenance of their fruit gardens, are partially replacing the large mammals in that ecological seed dispersal service.

A news release quoted Dr. Markus Eichhorn, a forest ecologist in the School of Life Sciences at the University of Nottingham and one of the co-authors of the study as saying, “In this wildlife reserve we have found that the traditional practices of the local indigenous people can have some benefits for animal conservation.”

In a different news story last Thursday, Colin Nicholas from the Centre for Orang Asli Concerns was quoted as agreeing—the investigation has important implications for the Chewong. Proposals to resettle them out of the Krau Reserve should be reconsidered. The people who live in the forest still practice a traditional way of life, and this research provides “a very strong argument for not removing them,” he argued.

Moore, Jonathan Harry, Saifon Sittimongkol, Ahimsa Campos-Arceiz, Tok Sumpah, Markus Peter Eichhorn. 2016. “Fruit Gardens Enhance Mammal Diversity and Biomass in a Southeast Asian Rainforest.” Biological Conservation 194 (February): 132–138

A compromise solution that might end the persecution of the G/wi and the G//ana San peoples by the government of Botswana started leaking out to the press a month ago. The government had forcibly removed the San people from their homes in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR) many years ago and it has denied those that have managed to stay any right to water from boreholes. It has also deprived them of their traditional hunting rights.

Roy_Sesana1On January 18th, a Botswana news source reported a rumor that Roy Sesana, the leader of the advocacy organization First People of the Kalahari (FPK), was going to be taking a job with the government. He was to be employed as a project officer for the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development. He will be based in Molapo, a large settlement within the CKGR where he was born. He will be helping the San people establish cultural tourism projects. In return, the FPK leader was told that the government would restore services to communities of San people in the CKGR, which were cut off in 2002.

A news story in Mmegi on January 22 clarified the situation. It indicated that Sesana had taken a job with the government as part of a deal that would provide water to San communities in the CKGR. Sesana had had a private meeting with Ian Khama, the President of Botswana, to appeal for relief and services for the San. The two men had evidently reached a compromise allowing the resumption of services in return for the development of a tourist infrastructure that would showcase the traditional San cultures.

The deal has generated hostility and resentment among some of the San people, in part because they have not been adequately informed as to what their leader had agreed to. Bashi Thiitse, the area councilor for the CKGR, told the reporter that Sesana is deeply concerned about the interests of the San people, though he admitted that the fact of his having a new job with the government has left many confused as to what really went on between him and Khama.

Survival_International1Survival International, the human rights group based in London that has championed the San for over 10 years, took a cautiously optimistic view of the reported compromise. A representative of the organization, Rachel Stenham, indicated that the new flexibility of the government may be just a ploy for international approval that will fade once the upcoming 50th anniversary celebrations of Botswana’s independence pass in September 2016.

Mmegi also contacted Jumanda Gakelebone, another prominent San leader, about the situation. He told the paper that he was still not sure what was going on, but he could understand Mr. Sesana’s desire to earn some money from a paid position—he “is a family man [and] he has to feed his family,” Gakelbone said. He worried that Sesana may have compromised his position as the leader of the San people just from the appearance of selling out to the government.

Keikabile Mogodu, a director of another San advocacy group, the Khwedom Council, expressed pleasure about the response by the government, and he hoped that the situation in the CKGR will finally improve. He acknowledged the questions that the people are raising, and he wondered if Sesana will be able to advocate for the San people any longer if he is viewed as a sell-out or a deal-maker. According to the news report, Sesana will act as a liaison between the government and the residents of the CKGR, initiate important issues that concern the local people, and chair a CKGR Consultative Committee, with representatives from each of six San settlements.

On February 4th, another reporter wrote that the residents of the CKGR are unhappy with the deal, especially about being kept in the dark about what is going on. A group of concerned San has indicated that they intend to contact the British lawyer, Gordon Bennett, who won several notable earlier cases for them in the Botswana courts.

The dissident group is apparently being led by Mogolodi Moeti, a San man who was beaten by Botswana officials in 2014 for supposedly having illegal game meat in his home. When the officials found nothing suspicious, they took him away for the day anyway. Mr. Moeti focused on the fact that the government still refuses to let the San people live on their ancestral lands in the CKGR; he says that what the government is doing is illegal.

Bennett_with_clients1The reporter contacted Gordon Bennett who replied that if the government is sincere in wanting to restore services to the San communities, it should give them a binding, written commitment. If it doesn’t, it can simply withdraw its services on a whim, as it has done in the recent past. The lack of a formal guarantee only adds to the insecurity and uncertainty of the people who wish to live in the CKGR.

A news source last week reiterated the fact that the San are still suspicious. Despite the suspicions among the CKGR residents, Tshekedi Khama, the Minister of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism, said that his ministry is determined that the San will derive some benefit from tourism in the ancestral lands.

His agency is drilling boreholes to supply water for wildlife and residents, he said, but the government will not withdraw its prohibition on hunting in the CKGR, a ban that was put into effect in 2014. The government does want the San to engage in money-making tourism activities, efforts that will show off their traditional culture—except for the hunting component.

Mr. Khama admitted that the government had not effectively consulted with the San themselves, “because we didn’t want to be seen as if we are imposing things that they don’t want.” Roy Sesana confirmed making an agreement with the government. He feels it provides a long-term solution to the problems of the San.

San woman gathering vegetation in the CKGR
San woman gathering vegetation in the CKGR (image copyrighted by Survival International)

The Central Kalahari Game Reserve preserves spectacular scenery and wildlife; it used to sustain at least one remarkably nonviolent San society, the G/wi, people who thrived on their hunting and gathering activities on the land. The continued skepticism by many San people that the Botswana government is really reversing itself and will no longer treat them in a brutal fashion may be justified, if past events indicate still-prevailing attitudes.

But despite the well-deserved skepticism, considering past news stories, the compromise does offer good reasons to hope for a better future for the land and the people who cherish it—as well as for those who simply want to make money from tourists.

Last Thursday, the New York Times featured the decline, and more recently the resurgence, of the traditional varieties of corn grown by Zapotec farmers in Mexico’s Oaxaca state. The article focused on the farmers in the Zapotec community of Santa Ana Zegache.

Native Mexican, or “landrace” corn, grown in Oaxaca
Native Mexican, or “landrace” corn, grown in Oaxaca (All photos by the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center on Flickr, Creative Commons licenses)

The piece in the Times made the facts clear: the white, yellow, and burgundy-colored corn (also called maize) has been grown as a domesticated crop for thousands of years in Mexico. Farmers typically keep a portion of the harvest for family consumption, save seeds for the coming year, and sell the rest. The author of the article, Victoria Burnett, quoted a police officer named Lorenzo Gaspar Montes who raises the crop in Santa Ana: “Corn is in our roots,” he said.

However, market prices for the native corn, often referred to as “landrace,” have suffered over the past 20 years, forcing farmers to cut down on their crops or go out of business—or move north to large cities for employment. Free trade with the U.S. and the termination of price supports have undercut the corn market in Mexico and driven down prices. Mexico now imports a third of its corn from the United States. Nearly half of the men from Santa Ana work in the U.S. as a result.

But the Times reported that a change is occurring. A small but noticeable movement has started among some high-end restaurants in the U.S. and Europe, which are beginning to feature foods such as tamales and tortillas on their menus that are made from landrace corn raised by small-scale traditional growers in Oaxaca. The article mentioned Cosme, a restaurant in the Flatiron District of New York, and Hija de Sanchez in Copenhagen, as examples.

Cosme obtains its corn from a company based in Los Angeles, Masienda, which buys the foods from the growers in Mexico. Jorge Gaviria, the founder of Masienda, drives around the Oaxaca countryside buying a ton of corn here, another couple tons there—or even as little as 100 kilos from some farmers. He has around 100 clients in Europe and the U.S. The Times referred to him as the dominating player on a very small playing field. He imported about 80 tons of corn in 2014, but he expects to import much more this year—around 400 tons. He also plans to open tortillerías in the U.S. in 2016.

A farmer examines maize varieties as part of a participatory maize breeding project in Oaxaca
A farmer examines maize varieties as part of a participatory maize breeding project in Oaxaca

The reporter contacted various Mexican experts about the new trend to feature traditional Mexican corn products in restaurants of major western urban areas. Martha Willcox, a geneticist with the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), and Flavio Aragón Cuevas, another geneticist, are working to improve the production of landrace corn varieties and to make sure that some of them don’t die out because of a lack of local production.

Dr. Willcox expressed the hope that increasing demand will inspire some young people into staying in their traditional villages and continuing to farm rather than emigrating north for urban employment. Another official, Luis Herrera Estrella, estimated that the developing market for gourmet corn might be able to provide employment for about 20 percent of the smallholders. Dr. Herrera emphasized that a key to sustaining the traditional way of life of the small scale farmers was to support them with all of the technology possible.

Farmers participating in a maize breeding project field day in Oaxaca
Farmers participating in a maize breeding project field day in Oaxaca

But the experts warned that increasing demand for supplies of the traditional corn has its risks too. Amado Ramírez, an agricultural engineer in Oaxaca, warned that focusing just on increasing yields and improving farming methods could disrupt the traditional system of farming.

On that point, Mr. Gaviria, the importer from Los Angeles, agreed. Masienda, his company, only buys surpluses from farmers after they have saved enough corn for their own families. He emphasized that corn should not be grown for cash, it should be grown for subsistence.

In Santa Ana, farmer Juan Velasco told the New York Times he did not worry about their lives being turned over by increasing demands from high-end New York restaurants. He told the reporter that he was glad he was now able to feed his crops to people rather than just giving the surpluses to the sheep.

When Sara Smith did her fieldwork in Ladakh, she frequently encountered interfaith couples who were being pressured to break up their marriages and return to their respective Buddhist or Muslim communities. However, the region was not always divided so rigidly between the different faiths.

A symbol of Ladakhi Buddhism, the Shanti stupa in Leh
A symbol of Ladakhi Buddhism, the Shanti stupa in Leh (Photo by Lovell D’souza on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

In a recent journal article, Smith provides background for the religious divisions in the region and the ways the Ladakhi, especially the women, are coping with the resulting pressures. A geography professor at the University of North Carolina, she did fieldwork in Ladakh in 2004 and again from 2007 to 2009.

Smith provides background for the Buddhist/Muslim divide. Historically, Ladakh had “a heritage of heterogeneity and hybridity (p.48),” but events beginning in the 1930s started to change things. With the formation of the Young Men’s Buddhist Association, which later became the Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA), Ladakhis began to form voting blocs with their religious beliefs providing the bases of their social and political identities.

A symbol of Ladakhi Islam, a mosque in Drass, Kargil
A symbol of Ladakhi Islam, a mosque in Drass, Kargil (Photo by sandeepachetan.com travel photography on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

As stresses developed, the LBA declared a social boycott of the Muslim community, which lasted from 1989 to 1992. It severed the commercial and social ties between Muslims and Buddhists. Community leaders at that time, particularly the LBA, felt that they should foster a sense of communalism based on their Buddhist identity, which would thus promote their own political ends.

When the boycott ended, the central government of India and the Buddhists in Leh agreed on the formation of a semi-autonomous political group called the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council. But the aspect of the agreement ending the social boycott that most concerns Smith was the provision that the Muslims and the Buddhists would separate their young people in an attempt to prevent love affairs from developing among them.

Historically, Buddhists and Muslims had married without interference from anyone. But the new arrangement was justified as a way of avoiding conflicts and keeping an even balance between the two different sides in Ladakh.

A Ladakhi woman, probably a Buddhist to judge by her fancy turquoise perak headdress
A Ladakhi woman, probably a Buddhist to judge by her fancy turquoise perak headdress (Photo by Hceebee on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The background to the historic practice was the pattern of polyandry, at least in Buddhist Ladakh, which resulted in leftover women. Those unmarried Buddhist women were perceived to be attractive to the unmarried Muslim men in Leh, who were frequently urban and wealthy. The LBA solution was to outlaw polyandry, to try and break up existing interfaith marriages, and then to try and prevent new ones. This was where Smith came in.

Smith interviewed several people who had successfully married across the sectarian divide before 1989, but she did not find any after the ban had been imposed, despite the fact that Indian law—the Special Marriages Act—protects inter-sectarian and secular marriages. Smith interviewed one couple in 2004 that she felt sure had a marriage that would endure, but they subsequently did divorce and accepted arranged marriages to people from within their own faith communities. Both of the new couples then had children. Others who have divorced their spouses from across the religious divide have not always been as successful in finding new partners.

A Ladakhi woman, probably a Muslim to judge by her plain head covering
A Ladakhi woman, probably a Muslim to judge by her plain head covering (Photo by Christopher Michel on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The basic reason for the animosity against inter-faith marriages has been the desire to promote more births on one side or the other. Smith found that the Muslim women did view contraception, especially sterilization, as sinful, but the Muslim Ladakhis, both women and men, did not seem to advocate increasing their population through more births. Not so the LBA, which she visited in 2008. Leaders there told her, “Our top priority is population (p.51).”

Despite the priorities of the Buddhist leadership, however, the women did not seem to reject contraception. Younger women wanted their children to have a chance to get an education, at least through the equivalent of high school and ideally a university somewhere in India. Parents with large families, they realized, would have much greater difficulties in gaining those advantages for their children.

However, among 198 women that the author interviewed, only two cited their religious beliefs as reasons for avoiding the use of contraceptives. She found that they thought and rethought their answers to her questions about contraceptives, or they answered her questions with questions of their own. They did not necessarily contradict the religious or political arguments of their leaders, but they considered the question of how many children to have in terms of their own views of medical, ethical, and economic issues.

That is, their views were contradictory: the women had very real economic concerns about the potential problems from having large families, but they also accepted the arguments of the leadership to avoid the use of contraceptives. The author found that during her interviews with the women, they often articulated quite similar views to one another. Most of the women, both Buddhists and Muslims, felt that the ideal family should have only a couple children—two or three at most. Smith feels that the women are making their choices as to how many children to have based more on economic factors than on religious adherence.

The ideal Ladakhi family has a couple children, such as these two Muslim girls from a tiny village near Kargil
Most Ladakhi women believe an ideal family should have only a couple children, such as these two Muslim girls from a tiny village near Kargil (Photo by sandeepachetan.com travel photography on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The author describes several of her interviews. In one, a Buddhist woman expressed her belief that contraception is a sin and that the ideal is having a large family—but nevertheless she only wants two children. Large families are simply impossible. She and her husband are urban and middle class, but they have to struggle and they are concerned about the future of their children. They are not rural agriculturalists, she said, and everyone worries about money. When she and her husband have children, the kids will want the things that others have, such as motorbikes, so in order to meet their needs, they will have to limit the size of their family.

Smith observes that the calculations of ethical values among Ladakhi women appear to be changing. One woman said that even spacing her children is sinful—despite the fact that she has had a tubal ligation. Another woman used an IUD to limit the size of her family. What else could she do, she wondered, since they lacked income to support a large family? Smith wraps up her stories about the Muslim and Buddhist women and their reactions to pressures for and against large families by asking rhetorically, what is best for Ladakh? Her results don’t allow her to really answer the question—but the discussion is a fascinating one anyway.

Smith, Sara. 2014. “Intimate Territories and the Experimental Subject in Ladakh, India.” Ethnos 79(1): 41-62

A Hutterite Colony in South Dakota has agreed to abide by an order issued by a U.S. District Court judge to restore a wetland that it had illegally drained and tried to farm. With the U.S. fixated on the month-long armed occupation of a National Wildlife Refuge in Oregon, at least the news media in South Dakota have not had to worry about the Hutterites grabbing guns to demonstrate their resistance to government authority.

According to a news report from South Dakota on January 29th, U.S. District Court Judge Karen Schreier ruled that the Mayfield Hutterite Colony, near Willow Lake in eastern South Dakota, must restore wetland conditions on land it owns. Evidently the colony had ignored a conservation easement held by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service that requires the wetland to be protected in perpetuity.

A prairie pothole in North Dakota
A prairie pothole in North Dakota (Photo by Jim Ringelman, Ducks Unlimited, on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The Prairie Pothole country in North and South Dakota contains wetlands that provide extremely important habitat for wildlife.

The Courthouse News Service, a nationwide reporting source for information about ongoing U.S. civil court cases, provided more information about the case. The previous owners of the tract of land in Hamlin County, a few miles to the east of the Hutterite colony buildings, had granted a permanent conservation easement in 1979 to the Fish and Wildlife Service. The easement had guaranteed that neither they nor successor owners of the land would fill, drain, burn or level the property.

In 2005, the Mayfield Colony assumed ownership of the tract after a property exchange, and it soon started to burn it. Shortly after that, the federal agency discovered the prohibited activity and sent the colony a warning letter. In 2011, the colony installed drainage tiles, intending to farm the land and to eventually establish a new colony there. When government agents became aware of the renewed disturbance, they contacted the Hutterites again.

The leader of the colony said that he did not know about the easement. Later, according to the Courthouse News reporter, colony representatives testified that they had forgotten the easement. Despite further warnings from government agents, the colony continued with its program of draining the wetland, and it started farming the property in 2012. In 2014, the colony offered to exchange another tract of land for the wetland in Hamlin County, but the government refused.

Instead, government officials decided to take the colony to court. In order to finally settle the matter, the Hutterites have signed an agreement with the government to remove enough of the drain tiles that will allow the land to revert to its natural state: a wetland. The project will cost the Hutterites an estimated $5,000 to $10,000, and it will be done as soon as possible in the spring of 2016. A Fish and Wildlife Service spokesperson indicated that the destruction of the drainage pipes should not take long—a week or so. It will be a fairly straightforward process, once the ground thaws in South Dakota, probably in May.

Emblematic of prairie potholes and breeding ducks, a northern shoveler takes flight at the Sand Lake National Wildlife Refuge in South Dakota
Emblematic of prairie potholes and breeding ducks, a northern shoveler takes flight at the Sand Lake National Wildlife Refuge in South Dakota (photo by Tom Koerner/USFWS on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Judge Schreier, in agreeing with the government’s case, acknowledged the importance of the prairie pothole region of the Dakotas for wildlife. It is characterized by numerous small, shallow marshes and lakes, and it is, she wrote, “the most important waterfowl producing region on the continent.”

The Justice Department issued its own press release, which also emphasized the importance of protecting small, shallow wetlands that provide critical breeding habitat for waterfowl. It mentioned that they are also easy to drain. The issue of affirming the permanent protection of a wetland because it provides essential wildlife habitat was worth the considerable effort expended by Fish and Wildlife and Justice Department officials, the press release asserted.

A rural Hutterite colony near Delmont, South Dakota
A rural Hutterite colony near Delmont, South Dakota (Photo by Rainer Mueller in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

The Courthouse News report also provided some background about the Hutterites in South Dakota. It mentioned that the state has 54 colonies, more than any other U.S. state. They typically have approximately 15 families who share the work of farming and manufacturing operations, and they share the results equally.

The article points out that Hutterites in South Dakota avoid the technologies of entertainment, such as TVs and radios, primarily to keep offensive programing such as violence away from their members. They do, however, generally welcome technologies that will allow them to be more productive in their working operations.

The Hutterites are well known for cherishing their colony lands, so it is unfortunate that the perspective of the Mayfield Colony was not reported by the news stories.