An Amish man in upstate New York has filed a lawsuit in a local court to exempt his three kids from vaccinations, which a recent state law has mandated for all school children. Among a host of news reports published on October 21 about the development, an Associated Press story reported by Syracuse.com and another by the Democrat and Chronicle from Rochester provide effective details about the issue.

Amish farm kids near Morristown, New York
Amish farm kids near Morristown, New York (Photo by ilamont.com in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The fact that the Amish man has even hired an attorney and is taking the issue into court is itself quite unusual. But the law that Jonas Stoltzfus is challenging appears to him to represent a serious threat to Amish religious beliefs. James Mermigis, the attorney for Mr. Stoltzfus, told the AP reporter that the Amish “don’t believe in vaccines. They believe if you get sick, God gives you your immune system to heal whatever sickness you have … and this is the way they’ve believed all their lives.”

Faced with the worst outbreak of measles in 27 years, New York State passed a law in June that outlawed religious objections as valid reasons for not having children vaccinated. More than 26,000 children had to be vaccinated by the end of summer and the beginning of the 2019-2020 school year or they would be forbidden from attending even the small Amish schools in their rural neighborhoods. If the kids were not vaccinated, they would not be allowed to attend any schools in the state.

Mr. Stoltzfus told the AP reporter that he was notified that his three children—12-, 10-, and 8-year old kids—would be banished from the Cranberry Marsh School in Romulus, Seneca County. The school has 24 students, all of whom are Amish. So with the help of his attorney, Mr. Stoltzfus filed suit in September in the Seneca County Court.

Jill Montag, a spokeswoman for the state Health Department, issued a statement that she could not comment about ongoing litigation but she did defend the intent of the new law. “Immunizations give children the best protection from serious childhood diseases, and the science is crystal clear that vaccines are safe and effective,” she said. In response, attorney Mermigis said that the law not only threatens the Amish community schools such as Cranberry Marsh, but it also challenges the basic Amish way of life.

Amish school in Bradford County, Pennsylvania
Amish school in Bradford County, Pennsylvania (Photo by Smallbones in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The Democrat and Chronicle provides other important details, such as the statement in the lawsuit, “Despite the fact that the school is secluded and the (24) students are all Amish, the State has threatened to close the school if the students are not vaccinated against their religious beliefs.”

The lawsuit contends that the opposition to the law by Stoltzfus is based, in part, on his belief that “God made his children ‘right and good’ and to vaccinate his children is to lose faith in God.” He argued further that “to rely on a manmade solution would be an act of disbelief in the power of our God to heal and protect us.” According to the lawsuit, Stoltzfus points out that the “first Amish settlers arrived in New York State in 1831, in part because New York’s Constitution protects free exercise of religion.”

Mr. Mermigis concludes with a statement that addresses a major issue: why are they abandoning their historic belief in nonresistance and filing a lawsuit? “This is such a big deal that the Amish are actually filing a lawsuit. It’s against their principles to file a lawsuit or have any kind of confrontation, but they have been cornered and feel they have no other options,” he said.

The statement by the attorney suggests the need for a more detailed explanation as to why the Amish normally don’t file suits in courts. What is it about their peacefulness that prohibits them from nonviolent legal confrontations? An article by Kidder and Hostetler (1990) provides some insights.

Amish children playing baseball, Lyndonville, New York
Amish children playing baseball, Lyndonville, New York (Photo by Ernest Mettendorf in Wikimedia, in the public domain)

The authors point out that the Amish are committed to living separately from the rest of American society. They believe in being at peace and living according to nonresistance, which means settling conflicts peacefully and not contesting the will of outsiders. Internal conflicts are settled within the community and decisions reached by the group are enforced by the threat of shunning.

But much as they profess to not dealing with the outside society, Kidder and Hostetler continue, in fact there is a whole pattern of adjustment to external conflicts that, objectively, contradicts the tenets of nonresistance. In fact, a national Amish leadership has developed in the U.S. which informally has built up a wide range of relationships with outsiders in positions of power and influence, whose decisions will affect Amish lives and communities.

While these leaders are not referred to as lawyers, lobbyists, or politicians, their work and effectiveness is comparable to them. Their informal law work, lobbying, and politicking is supported by real lawyers and networks of concerned non-Amish who work to protect the Amish way of life.

Amish kids, Morristown, St. Lawrence County, New York
Amish kids, Morristown, St. Lawrence County, New York (Photo by Ian Lamont in flickr, Creaative Commons license)

If an Amishman were to be taken into court, the authors write, he would never contest charges and hire an attorney, but the Amish leaders might have an attorney friend go along, just to sit there and make sure the courts acted fairly. The lawyer would not be paid, but the Amish would give him some garden vegetables or freshly-baked bread.

Furthermore, Amish leaders expert in the laws and resourceful in finding compromises helped families all over the country during the Vietnam era. This leadership has been adroit at solving problems with outside bureaucracy by talking to top officials and finding creative legal loopholes for compromises to be reached.

For instance, since they do not believe in participating in social security, wishing instead to rely on their own communities for their security, Amish employers were stuck by the requirement to withhold social security from their Amish employee’s paychecks. The solution reached by their lay lawyers and the administrators was for the employers to make all of the employees partners in the firms.

The Amish gain protection in their cocoons by outsiders from several different perspectives: those people of Anabaptist heritage who are not members of a local Amish church; other outsiders who feel protective and helpful toward them because they represent an ideal that they can’t join; unsolicited outside charity; other rural dwellers, neighbors of the Amish, who help them and by so doing help preserve their own rural lifestyle; and, in places like Lancaster County, where the Amish presence generates several hundred million tourist dollars per year, they have a presence with the bureaucracy.

School children playing next to a Lancaster County schoolhouse
Amish school children playing next to a Lancaster County schoolhouse (Photo by Mark Goebel was on Flickr with a Creative Commons license)

The rural Amish people have little concern or interest in these pressures, counter pressures, and maneuvering—they believe in nonresistance and, if necessary, migration to avoid problems. Even their leaders do not frame their advocacy in the terms of outsiders: rather, they see their activity as “working things out,” being helpful in resolving things, and liberating officials from their constant need to obey rules.

One might well conclude that if Kidder and Hostetler were correct, then Attorney Mermigis is absolutely right: the Amish in upstate New York are so seriously threatened by the new law that they may need to abandon at least somewhat their tradition of nonresistance in order to preserve the tenets of their faith. Or they can sell and move out of the state. The future does not look good for them.

 

The Hecho a Mano gallery in Santa Fe, New Mexico, is hosting a show featuring Zapotec print makers from Oaxaca City, Mexico. The owner of the gallery, Frank Rose, is determined to foster more interest in New Mexico for the print making folk art of Oaxaca. On October 20, the Albuquerque Journal published an enthusiastic article about the six artists whose works are displayed.

A Zapotec woman from the Oaxaca Valley
A Zapotec woman from the Oaxaca Valley (Photo by Elí García-Padilla on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The show put together by Rose, titled “Grabados Oaxaqueños,” emphasizes the recent prints by contemporary Oaxaca artists, one of which is identified as a Zapotec woman. Mr. Rose explains that the flourishing of new, diverse, contemporary printmaking in Oaxaca dates from a teachers’ strike in 2006, when the protesters started using prints as symbols of their resistance to authority. The strike scared away many of the North American tourists who are attracted to the neo-colonial ambience of the city but it fostered a flourishing of the printmaking craft. A new generation of artists took up printmaking with a passion.

The development of the printmakers was fostered by two local groups—the Taller de Artes Plásticas Rufino Tamayo school and the Instituto de Artes Gráficas (IAGO), which was established in 1988 by Francisco Toledo, who passed away in September.

A Zapotec woman and her husband weaving in their workshop in Teotitlán del Valle, Oaxaca
A Zapotec woman and her husband weaving in their workshop in Teotitlán del Valle, Oaxaca (Photo by Friends of Oaxacan Folk Art in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Gabriel Morac, one of the Zapotec artists featured in the show, said “IAGO was fundamental in the shift of the perception of graphic arts being a minor trade to being considered a discipline in its entirety.” She is from the Zapotec village that is famous for its weaving and rug making, Teotitlan del Valle, located 15 miles east of Oaxaca city. She attended the National School of Plastic Arts at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), where she studied printmaking.

Her art work—linocuts embossed with silver and gold leaf—is infused with Zapotec paradigms and symbols. “My art is a form of personal projection and reunion with myself, my background and history,” she said in a prepared statement.

Another female printmaker included in the show, Mirel Fraga, said that she  is inspired by nature, animals, plants, life on and around the earth, magical objects, “and our relationship as human beings with all of them.” Her serigraph “Flora” might be understood as depicting a tropical forest or an underwater scene because of the way the image seems to flow off the canvas.

Ms. Fraga explained that there is a significant grouping of artists, designers, and illustrators who are working across disciplines to apply their ideas to different mediums such as paper, textiles, ceramics, books, paintings and clothing. “There is a big movement of artists with very different techniques, styles and themes showing their work in galleries, open studios and printing workshops now in Oaxaca,” she said. She didn’t say so but probably only some of the artists in the city she writes about are Zapotec.

Relief etching from Oaxaca of a death figure dated before 1910
Relief etching from Oaxaca of a death figure dated before 1910 (Image from the Prints and Photographs Division of the Library of Congress in Wikimedia, in the public domain)

Her partner, Alfonso Barrera, also represented in the show, depicts darker themes in his art, especially death. He says that death is viewed in different ways in Mexico than it is in the U.S. “I think the violence of the world and my country have an influence on many things that I make,” he says. Unfortunately, the Albuquerque Journal writer does not explore that idea any farther. Unlike Ms. Fraga, he does not really see his work as part of a larger movement.

The show at Hecho a Mano will also include works by three other artists from Oaxaca, Alberto Cruz, Daniel Hernández and Miguel Martinez. Mr. Rose, the owner of the gallery, emphasizes that the art scene in Oaxaca is very diverse and that the six artists he has chosen for the show are simply his personal favorites. He feels they are creating “extraordinary work.”

“Grabados Oaxaqueños” opened at Hecho a Mano, 830 Canyon Rd., Santa Fe, on October 25 and will run until November 24.

 

With the Canadian parliamentary election scheduled for October 21, it seemed reasonable to anticipate articles providing Inuit perspectives on Prime Minister Trudeau’s accomplishments over the past four years. A published opinion piece by P. J. Akeeagok, President of the Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA), provides a perspective from the Baffin Island region of Nunavut.

P. J. Akeeagok speaking about the government’s apology
P. J. Akeeagok speaking about the government’s apology (Screenshot from the video “Statement of Apology,” uploaded to Vimeo by the Qikiqtani Truth Commission on September 27, 2019, with a Creative Commons license)

Mr. Akeeagok opens his brief essay by requesting Canadians to elect people who will continue working with the same spirit of respect and reconciliation with the Inuit as the government of Mr. Trudeau has exhibited. His prose might be dismissed by cynics as simply an attempt to curry favor but his citations of the real accomplishments worked out between his organization and the government, which came to a climax just two months ago, make it clear that he genuinely appreciates what has happened to generate the historic apology by the government in August.

“By coming to the table and allowing Inuit to lead, the government of Canada in partnership with the QIA” have been able to craft zones of protection in the Arctic waters around Nunavut, he writes. The agreements reached have led to new jobs and the creation of marine infrastructure in their region of the High Arctic. These achievements provide “a model for what can be accomplished when Inuit are treated as equals.”

He devotes two paragraphs to briefly reviewing the events that led up to the historic government apology to the Inuit in August for the many ways it had badly treated the people until not too many years ago. He points out that while the apology was quite appropriate, “much more is needed to truly achieve reconciliation and provide Inuit with the tools required to heal.”

Qikiqtarjuaq in 2001
Qikiqtarjuaq in 2001 (Photo by AnsgarWalk in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Mr. Akeeagok concludes by briefly describing some future possibilities for the Qikiqtani Inuit. He mentions a proposed deep-sea port in Qikiqtarjuaq that would foster more sustainable fishing and create more jobs. He points out that the QIA advocates more industries in Nunavut that will provide clean energy and sustainable fisheries. The future should focus on protecting the environment while increasing economic growth for the Inuit. “Growing sustainable industries will also help alleviate Nunavut’s reliance on unsustainable resource industries,” he concludes.

The Nubians in ancient times created wonderful art works—statuary, jewelry, gold—as fine as anything produced by their rivals to the north, the Egyptians. However, they did not do as much writing so not as much is known about them.

Statue of King Senkamanisken, Nubian monarch, 643 – 623 BCE, in the Museum of Fine Arts
Statue of King Senkamanisken, Nubian monarch, 643 – 623 BCE, in the Museum of Fine Arts (Photo by Marcus Cyron in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

A brief article in the New York Times described the huge collection of Nubian artifacts at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. It mentioned a major exhibition at the MFA, “Ancient Nubia Now,” that seeks to promote the overwhelming, creative works of the Nubians.

A notice on the MFA website provides more information about the Nubian collections in the museum and the special exhibition. The exhibit confronts misinterpretations that have disturbed our understandings of the Nubian kingdoms that flourished in the Nile valley of southern Egypt and northern Sudan for 3,000 years.

Known in ancient times as Kush, the successive Nubian kingdoms were ruled from capitals in Kerma (2400 – 1550 BCE), Napata (750 – 332 BCE), and Meroe (332 BCE – 364 CE). These kingdoms had vast trading networks and left behind the remains of their cities, pyramids, palaces, and temples as well as their wonderful works of art.

Shawabtys, funerary figurines placed in the tomb of King Taharqa, 690 – 664 BCE, in the MFA
Shawabtys, funerary figurines placed in the tomb of King Taharqa, 690 – 664 BCE, in the MFA (Photo by Lucas in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

But they neglected to leave much of a written record of their accomplishments, abandoning the telling of their story to their rivals to the north, the Egyptians, who didn’t mind characterizing them as the African barbarians who threatened them from the south.

The MFA has played an important role in clarifying the real history of the Nubians. The museum participated in excavations at Nubian sites in Sudan from 1913 to 1932, while both Egypt and Sudan were under the control of the British Empire. As a result of their work, the museum acquired the most significant, and the largest, collection of Sudanese artifacts in the world outside the Nile Valley.

Statue of King Aspelta, 593 – 568 BCE, in the MFA
Statue of King Aspelta, 593 – 568 BCE, in the MFA (Photo by Marcus Cyron in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The current exhibition, “Ancient Nubia Now,” does more than showcase the unparalleled collections of the museum. It includes a formidable array of teaching tools along with the displays. Video interviews with prominent authorities such as a biological anthropologist, an Egyptologist, a photographer, a young Sudanese American, and a professor are located throughout the exhibit to relate the objects on display with issues such as cultural appropriation, power, and self-representation.

The exhibit will be open to the public until January 20, 2020.

 

It took a little over a week for the Ladakhis to spring into action. After the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC] issued a report on the perils that changing climate conditions pose to the Hindu Kush/Himalayan region of Asia, several groups in Ladakh announced an action plan to deal with the crisis. Ladakhis are quite aware of how vulnerable they are to the expected disruptions of their water supplies, according to a news report from the Times of India last week.

Chetsang Rinpoche, the head of the Drikung Kagyu order of Tibetan Buddhism
Chetsang Rinpoche, the head of the Drikung Kagyu order of Tibetan Buddhism (Photo by Lamala01 in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Chetsang Rinpoche, the head of the Drikung Kagyu order of Tibetan Buddhism, took the lead in launching a project that will seek to make sure Ladakh is prepared to face the severe consequences of climate change in their region. The project focuses on rejuvenating a green cover over the Ladakhi foothills of the Himalayas.

The founders of the initiative titled their project Green Himalayas. They intend to develop a model site on 250 acres at Phobrang, in eastern Ladakh. They hope their model community will become a self-sustaining ecosystem in which the demand for energy is entirely met by renewable sources.

Jamyang Tsering Namgyal, member of India’s Paarliament from Ladakh
Jamyang Tsering Namgyal, member of India’s Parliament from Ladakh (Photo by Dorjayleh in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Speaking at the formal launch of the project on October 6, the Ladakhi Member of Parliament, Jamyang Tsering Namgyal, said that all 257 villages in the district are highly dependent for their water supplies on glacial melting. But the high mountain glaciers are rapidly melting away due to climate change. Can Ladakh even survive in another 25 or 30 years once they are gone?

Initiatives such as the Green Himalayas “will provide a solution to preserve the fragile ecosystem of the region and increase means of sustainable livelihood for the people,” the MP said. He appealed to experts in sustainable development as well as economists and agriculturalists to support the initiative in Ladakh as a model for the rest of the world.

A key initiative of the project, inspired by the IPCC report, will be to encourage groups in other areas of the Himalayan foothills to plant trees. Members of the two founding NGOs, Go Green Go Organic and Goldenmile Learning, along with residents of the local communities, have planted 25,000 trees.

Srini Srinivaisan, a business executive and the co-founder of Goldenmile Learning, sought to justify the efforts in Ladakh. “Climate crisis is everywhere. The Himalayas — our largest water lifeline — are melting. Can we remain silent?” he asked rhetorically.

Phobrang, located on the eastern border of Ladakh near Tibet
Phobrang, located on the eastern border of Ladakh near Tibet (Photo by Mani Babbar Photography in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Another business executive who is the other co-founder of Goldenmile Learning, Rajesh Patel, said roughly the same thing: “The Green Himalayas project aims to create an antidote to global catastrophe with local action and [to] help build strong and confident local communities.” He explained how the project at Phobrang will create bodies of water, build cooperatives, and work out partnerships with the local villagers. Sustainable development for the entire region should replace the dire consequences of global climate change in Ladakh, the founders hope.

 

The Piaroa are suffering economically, according to a news report published last week in the online Venezuelan newspaper El Pitazo.

A Piaroa man and his daughter, Katherin
A Piaroa man and his daughter, Katherin (Photo by Orlandojosevc in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The malaise is not just affecting the minority indigenous people. The reporter quoted a trade union leader, Yetzy Sira, who said that 40 percent of the employees in the government of Amazonas state in southern Venezuela have resigned their positions to take jobs in the mines, where they will receive much better pay.

Ms. Sira said that workers in low-paying positions such as jobs with the government can’t even afford to buy shoes to wear to work. In the words of the Google translation, she said, “nobody lives with such a precarious and miserable salary, amid so many necessities due to the high prices of the basic basket products.”

People in Atabapo municipality of Amazonas state
People in Atabapo municipality of Amazonas state (Photo by Veronidae in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The reporter quoted a Piaroa woman, Lillisol Santiño Cancio, who said she had decided to quit her job with the Amazonas government after 10 years of service to take a position in a mine in Atabapo municipality. She decried the fact that the economy is getting much worse, forcing her, her husband, and their four children to move elsewhere and seek better conditions.

She explained to the reporter that while her salary from the job with the government, along with the earnings of her husband, used to be enough for the needs of the family, they can’t make it any longer. They cannot even afford to buy clothes for their children.

The article quotes other workers, including professionals such as an attorney, who have stopped working in the public sector due to the economic crisis that is affecting all of Venezuela. People are looking for work in other South American countries as well as in the nearby mines.

 

Raghaviah, in his book The Yanadis (1962), indicated that the relationships between Yanadi men and women are characterized by tenderness, responsiveness, and mildness. But the relationships only last as long as both partners are committed to them. When a young woman, whom the author described as “slim, charming, fragile Chenchi” (p.176), decided one day to abandon her marriage to Subbaramudu and move in with another man, he accepted the new reality and formed his own new attachment to another woman. Raghaviah went into some detail about the casual male/female relationships among the people.

Yanadi men and women in a training session in Andhra Pradesh
Yanadi men and women in a training session in Andhra Pradesh (Photo by International Institute for Environment and Development, IEED, on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

On September 28, The Hindu published a news report about the marriage customs of the Yanadi that adds to the ethnographic accounts of Raghaviah and the other scholars who have studied the peaceful tribe of Andhra Pradesh. The point of the news story is that among the Yanadi living in the town of Pedana, in the Krishna District of the state, a man will pay a “reverse dowry” to the woman he hopes to marry. They refer to the custom as “Gamaalam.”

Mr. Marri Nageswara Rao, the father of the groom, Marri Srinivas, gave the gamaalam payment to the parents of the bride, Durga, as soon as the two sets of parents had agreed on the proposed marriage. Ms. Durga told the reporter, “My parents had accepted the reverse dowry, agreeing for the alliance. [A] wedding in our tribe is a consensus between two families rather than a community’s affair.”

A Yanadi fisherman paddling a log boat
A Yanadi fisherman paddling a log boat (Photo by Only the Best on NationMaster.com and copyrighted, but released for all uses without reservation)

The Hindu quoted the amounts of the reverse dowry paid by Mr. Nageswara Rao and his wife Janikamma. They had paid 1,000 Indian rupees (US$14) for the marriage of their first son a couple years ago and 3,000 rupees ($42) for their younger son last month. According to other elders in the community, their customs prevent families from paying any more than 3,000 to 4,000 rupees for any reverse dowry. Since the families derive their livelihoods from daily wages, catching rats, farming, and hunting for crabs, they rely on their mutual honesty to keep their reverse dowry payments within the bounds of the community’s standards.

Before agreeing to the marriage, the family of the prospective groom makes certain that he will be able to properly care for his bride. He must have erected a house and be ready to provide support for his new wife and family without help from his family of birth. The young Mr. Srinivas told The Hindu, “I have fulfilled my immediate responsibility of building a new house for my wife. We have shifted to the new thatched house near a farm field in Pedana town and are leading our life together attending farm works,” he said.

Raghaviah offers the additional information that Yanadis are normally quite happy in their marriages as long as they last, and they are only occasionally marred by bickering. Furthermore, Yanadis do not act violently, no matter what the provocation. When deserted by his spouse, a Yanadi man may weep and appeal to his wife but he will not think of striking the man who has seduced her.

 

On October 2, India celebrated the 150th birthday of Mohandas Gandhi. The leader of the movement for India’s independence from the UK, Gandhi also advocated active peaceful actions such as marches and sit-ins as a nonviolent way for oppressed peoples to gain their rights. Numerous media outlets around the world celebrated the birthday with critical examinations of the Mahatma’s life, work, sayings and writings. His legacy is not without its critics.

A studio portrait of Mahatma Gandhi taken in London in 1931
A studio portrait of Mahatma Gandhi taken in London in 1931 (Photographer unknown, in Wikimedia, in the public domain)

The Washington Post, for instance, published a critical look at Gandhi by Joanna Slater on October 2. She writes that not everything done and said by Gandhi during his lifetime is viewed positively today. He used racist language when he was young and living in South Africa and he defended the caste system of his native land. Furthermore, some criticize his commitment to nonviolence and his beliefs in religious pluralism. But he inspired many leaders, such as Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King, Jr., who followed his commitment to peaceful protest actions.

In the spirit of remembering Gandhi, it might be helpful to review his influence on the peaceful societies of India, most specifically the Paliyans. Their increasing willingness to openly confront oppressors in South India has been a significant development, but equally important has been their readiness to challenge the very nature of their relationship to pacifism. Their experiences enrich our understanding of the place of nonviolence in the cultures of countries and societies. They also may add to the concepts of nonviolence proposed by Gandhi.

Indians have come to understand some of their struggles in Gandhian terms as Satyagraha, a term that more or less means nonviolence. The Paliyan experience, however, leads one to question Gandhi. In his book Non-Violent Resistance, Gandhi argued that Satyagraha is not a weapon of the weak, it is a tool of strength. India’s foremost exponent of peace acknowledged the existence of passive resistance, particularly in the Christian tradition of turning the other cheek, but he dismissed it as emblematic of weakness.

Passive resistance does not completely exclude violence, he maintained, if the passive resisters should turn in that direction. It is not clear if he was aware of the Paliyans and the other peaceful tribal peoples in India who expressed their nonviolence by passive resistance, often called nonresistance, by fleeing from confrontations. If asked, the Paliyans would certainly not have agreed with Gandhi’s negative assessment of their approach to maintaining peaceful relationships. The Paliyans expressed their reluctance to engage in fighting by retreating from it—sometimes precipitously. At least, they used to.

Paliyan men at a Murugan temple
Paliyan men at a Murugan temple (Photo courtesy of Steven Bonta)

Peter Gardner amplified Paliyan attitudes toward peaceful nonresistance in an article that appeared in the 2010 book Nonkilling Societies in which he argued that their nonresistance must be seen from their perspective, rather than from the viewpoints of outside societies. Since the Paliyans for the most part still confront aggression by turning the other cheek, so to speak, they do not see nonresistance in Gandhian terms as a weakness.

Instead, the Paliyans view their way of retreating from confrontations as a completely approved social style. They feel no stigma in avoiding conflicts, no humiliation in retreating from fights, no sense of cowardice. Gardner wrote that, for the Paliyans, retreating “is an unambiguous act of strength, strength in controlling oneself (p.192).”

Thus, there are arguably two perspectives on peacefulness operating in India, and perhaps in much of the world—the active, challenging style of nonviolent resistance perfected by the Mahatma such as marches and sit-ins and the flee-into-the-forests nonresistance advocated by some peaceful societies such as the Paliyan. The differences may be subtle but they are significant.

Satyagraha 2012 (including some Paliyans) leaving Gwalior
Satyagraha 2012, including some Paliyans, leaving Gwalior (Photo by Yann in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

However, news stories on October 11 and October 18, 2012, implied that the continuing tradition of Satyagraha in India, exemplified that time by a land rights organization, and the nonresistance of the Paliyans may be starting to converge.

The Indian land rights group Ekta Parishad, following Gandhian strategies, launched an epic protest that month by 50,000 landless Adivasi people. They started a march from the city of Gwalior intending to proceed nearly 200 miles (320 km) north by road to the national capital in New Delhi. The marchers included a number of Paliyans who were interviewed by reporters along the way.

The protesters were planning to hand a memorandum to the central government describing the difficulties they faced since they are still being deprived of their lands. They hoped to reach New Delhi by October 29, marching by day and sleeping by night along the highway.

Ekta Parishad walk to Delhi, 2007
Ekta Parishad walk to Delhi, 2007 (Photo by Ekta Parishad in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The peaceful protest march ended the following week in Agra when the government of India capitulated to the demands of the marchers. Once again, the media focused on the Paliyan participants. It sounded from the reports as if the precepts of Satyagraha are penetrating into Paliyan society, so they may yet find ways to peacefully win their rights. Could Gandhi be persuaded that there is value in both active nonviolence and passive nonresistance? Strength in both?

A Paliyan woman quoted in one of the news reports, Dhanalakshmi, said that she was planning to see the Taj Mahal in Agra before returning to her village in Tamil Nadu. “But if the government does not keep its promises, we will bring more people from our villages and we will come back.” The landless Paliyans were learning the power of nonviolent protests. Gandhi would be smiling.

 

A Hutterite colony in southwestern Alberta was targeted by animal rights activists early in the morning of September 2, which prompted many reports in the Canadian press. And that is what the protesters were after: publicity for their cause of freeing all domestic livestock from being butchered. An effective summary of the events of that day—what really happened and why—was published last week by the Alberta Farmer Express.

Fort MacLeod, Alberta, 2018
Fort MacLeod, Alberta, 2018 (Photo by Jason Woodhead in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The reporter, Alexis Kienlen, writes that a group of protesters were dropped off by buses along the highway that goes past the Jumbo Valley Hutterite Colony about 9 miles north of Fort MacLeod quite early on the holiday morning and about 30 of them entered the turkey barn. Others remained out on the highway to protest. When Hutterite workers entered the barn to do their morning chores, the animal rights protesters were already occupying the facility. The barn was filled with them—in the words of the journalist, “a scene that no farmer would want to see.”

The barn, which contains about 4,000 birds, is one of eight free-range facilities at the colony. The “free-range” designation means that the turkeys are free to go out of the barn as they wish and walk around in an enclosed outdoor space.

Turkeys in a turkey barn
Turkeys in a turkey barn (Photo by Cyndy Sims Parr in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The animal rights activists had organized themselves through informal, word-of-mouth contacts in order to conduct what they called a “Liberation Lockdown.” Such protests have been held in other provinces but this was the first in Alberta. They sat along the barn walls wearing filter masks, disposable coveralls, gloves, and matching shirts. They were busily taking pictures and live-streaming the scene to the media when they were discovered.

Frankie Hofer, the manager of poultry operations for the colony, complained that the activists had ignored prominent signs out on the highway indicating that the colony is private property—do not enter.

The reporter quoted one of the activists, Kennadi Herbert, from Pincher Creek. (Fort MacLeod is about halfway between Lethbridge and Pincher Creek along highway 3 across southern Alberta.) Ms. Herbert said that the activists were following up on a similar protest in April when a group of informally-organized people demonstrated their opposition to killing animals for food at a hog barn in British Columbia.

She said that the protesters, who range from 7 to 60, have no leader and no name for their group. They come from Alberta, British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Ontario, Australia, the UK, and New York. The group organizes its activities entirely by people reaching out to others they know and trust with a similar desire to commit dramatic actions in order to publicize their cause. They want to save the lives of domestic animals.

A group of domestic turkeys basking in the morning sun
A group of domestic turkeys basking in the morning sun (Photo by Melinda * Young in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Ms. Herbert said that they chose the Jumbo Valley Hutterite Colony for their most recent action both because of its location and because they wanted to focus attention on the treatment of poultry and specifically domestic turkeys.

As she explained to the reporter, “The idea behind the action was to bring awareness to factory farming and animal agriculture. We’re vegan. We just want transparency into everything. A lot of people don’t want to see their food as the individuals they are. We were just wanting to show that.”

She said that she was one of the activists who entered the barn, but there were about 50 more out along the highway, folks who wanted to be part of the demonstration but did not want to trespass. She said she was the one who called the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.

Another activist who participated in the demonstration at Jumbo Valley, Sarah Barnes, said that they wanted to get as much attention as possible. They were disappointed that there was not more traffic on the highway. Their dramatic protest brought TV reporters from Calgary, over two hours’ drive north of Fort MacLeod, and they were somewhat delayed in getting to the colony due to the Labor Day holiday.

Once the TV crews arrived, a few of the protesters asked to be taken on a tour of all of the poultry barns at the colony. Mr. Hofer felt he had nothing to hide so they took a tour of all eight turkey barns. The protesters asked if they could “liberate” five turkeys, which would be allowed to live out their lives in an animal sanctuary. Again, the Hutterites agreed to the request. After about five hours, the protesters finally left the colony with their five liberated birds.

Hutterites on horseback in Alberta, 1982
Hutterites on horseback in Alberta, 1982 (Photo by pverdonk in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Many Alberta farmers have been urging the Hutterites to press charges against the protesters for illegally occupying their barn, though as of late September they had not done so. Cara Prout, the Executive Director of Alberta Turkey Producers, said that there was no implication of poor handling of turkeys by the colony. “We believe it was targeted solely because the individuals that trespassed do not agree with raising livestock for consumption,” she concluded.

 

The life and work of the Zapotec artist Francisco Toledo, who died September 5, were celebrated by an obituary in the Independent last week. According to Harrison Smith, who wrote the article, Toledo was a leading Mexican painter, sculptor, photographer, engraver, and tapestry designer. He also was a passionate defender of Oaxacan indigenous traditions.

Francisco Toledo
Francisco Toledo (Photo by Ron Mader on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

He was born in 1940 in either Mexico City or in Juchitán, a city in Oaxaca—he mentioned both places in interviews—the son of a Zapotec shoemaker and tanner. He spent his childhood in the state of Veracruz exploring nearby forests and marshes. He attended an art school in Mexico City and created his first exhibition at the age of 19. He went on to Fort Worth, Texas, and then to Paris where he studied under several artists, including the Zapotec painter Rufino Tamayo.

He returned to Oaxaca in 1965 to pursue his creative art work, becoming widely known as El Maestro for the wild-man outfits he wore. He rarely gave interviews but his philanthropy, generated by the six-figure sales of his works, made him a local celebrity. He founded the Graphic Arts Institute of Oaxaca, now led by his daughter Sara, and he assisted in the establishment of a contemporary art museum, a library for the blind, and an environmental organization.

An engraving of a tortoise by Francisco Toledo
An engraving of a tortoise by Francisco Toledo (Photo in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

His art frequently focused on natural and mythological subjects, including a union between humanity and nature. However, he expressed pessimism about the likelihood of people ever preserving the marshes and other natural places he had explored as a child. He also frequently used Benito Juarez, the famous Zapotec president of Mexico in the mid-19th century, as the subject of his works of art.

Late in his life he devoted some 95 ceramic works to scenes of horrifying violence—severed human limbs and faces expressing horror. He was quoted as saying, “with everything that one hears in the news, in the newspapers, little by little this pushed me to do an exhibit on the theme of violence.” He added that he started incorporating red, the color of human blood, in his works.

His third wife, Trine Ellitsgaard, a weaver from Denmark, and five children survive him.