The Kadar living in the Anakkayam Colony had to flee for their lives last August 16 when a huge landslide swept everything away right next to their homes. They’ve been homeless ever since, according to a news report published in the New Indian Express last week.

The great Kerala flood of 2018
The great Kerala flood of 2018 (Photo taken on August 16, 2018, by Ranjithsiji on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

A good review of the background was provided by an article in the Outlook, an Indian magazine, last September 6. In August, Kerala was hit by the worst flooding it has experienced in a century. The big dams in the rivers had to be opened for the first time in many years and numerous tribal colonies, located in the forests near the rivers, were harmed or destroyed.

The reporter for the Outlook tried to visit the areas and communities impacted by the natural disaster but officials did all they could to hamper access by reporters. Administrators in numerous positions were dismissive of the possibility that the tribal people had been affected by the flooding. In a listing of the affected colonies, the reporter mentioned that 70 people from the Anakkayam Colony had been taken to camps.

The update from June 5 focused on just the Kadar refugees from the Anakkayam Colony and how they have been faring. Not very well, in fact. The 23 families—88 people in all—are now living in temporary tents made of sheet plastic and tree branches. Immediately after the landslide they were moved to Forest Department quarters at Pokalapara but they stayed there only a month before being moved to workers’ quarters for the Kerala State Electricity Board (KSEB) at Peringalkuthu.

The Sholayar Dam
The Sholayar Dam (Photo by the Kerala State Electricity Board on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Their colony was located near the Sholayar Dam, a hydropower plant on the Chalakkudy River. They’ve been living in the KSEB facility but with the monsoon about to begin, local officials asked them to return to their own colony. The Kadar refused to go—the terror of the landslide that nearly destroyed them is still fresh in their minds. Instead, they moved out of the KSEB facility and erected a temporary camp atop a large rock near their old colony. They have been camped there for over three weeks.

The newspaper quoted Mayilammal, a Kadar who effectively expressed the fears of the community: “The government wants us to return to the colony. It is a danger zone and living there means inviting death. If it rains for two days continuously, the entire area surrounding the colony will be washed away. How can we live there in peace?”

The highest ranking official in the Thrissur District, Ms. T.V. Anupama, the District Collector, convened a meeting to try and resolve the situation. She indicated that the Geological Survey of India has said that there is no danger of another landslide in the area near the colony. However, she obtained a contradictory opinion from the Kerala Forest Research Institute, which reported, after visiting the area, that it is not a safe spot for a tribal colony. The District Collector said that she would request an official from the State Disaster Management Authority to visit.

A Kadar woman with two children
A Kadar woman with two children (Photo by Dpradeepkumar in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Meanwhile, the newspaper spoke with Raman, the Ooru Mooppan, the head of the colony. He said he had spoken with the Division Forest Officer, S.V. Vinod, who has pledged to try and help. Raman had identified a spot where a new colony might be erected, and he showed the suggested location to the DFO.

The forester approved and he agreed to give the tract of forest land to the community for their new colony. The Scheduled Tribes Department has already allocated funds to build the new houses and the basic facilities in the relocated colony. But it will take at least a year before the new colony can be built, so he urged Raman to encourage the other Kadar to return to the KSEB quarters during the interim until the new facility can be built.

One of the more interesting aspects of the story is the relationship of the Kadar with the Kerala State Electricity Board since it was that same agency that had planned and nearly gotten permission to build the Athirapilly Dam about 10 miles to the west down the Chalakkudy River from the Anakkayam Colony.

The Vazhachal Waterfalls and a nearby Kadar community are 400 m. downstream from a proposed dam site
The Vazhachal Waterfalls and a nearby Kadar community are 400 m. downstream from a proposed dam site (Photo by User MLW-2013 on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

That projected dam was initiated by the KSEB in the 1980s; it was proposed to be built about 400 m. above the Vazhachal Falls on the Chalakkudy. The engineers who designed what was to be called the Athirapilly Dam estimated it would generate 163 megawatts of electric power. But the KSEB made few attempts to integrate its planning for power generation with the culture of the nearby indigenous communities.

Of the two Kadar villages closest to the planned hydropower project, Vazhachal is located less than 400 m. downstream while the other, Pokalapara, is about 4 km. upstream. At first, the Kadar in those two communities felt that government officials attached no importance to them, so they decided that their input about the dam was irrelevant.

A. K. Balan, Indian politician
A. K. Balan, Indian politician (Photo by Navaneeth Krishnan S. on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

During the period from 2006 through 2010, the project was hotly contested by major Indian environmental groups because it threatened an important riverine habitat with its unique plants and animals—and, increasingly, by the Kadar and their supporters. Despite extended strong opposition by environmentalists and supporters of the tribal society, the government of Kerala decided in 2007 that the project would move forward. The Kerala Minister for Electricity, Mr. A.K. Balan, announced that construction would begin soon on the Athirapilly Dam despite the protests.

The minister acknowledged the concerns of the Kadar people—that they might have to be moved out of their villages and could lose their traditional way of life. He said, however, in the words of one news report, that the “project will not affect any tribal family.” This website has published numerous news stories about the controversy over the dam proposal.

Tribal women and children, probably Kadar, photographed in a Kadar area near Kochi, Kerala
Tribal women and children, probably Kadar, photographed in a Kadar area near Kochi, Kerala (Photo by Eileen Delhi on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Mr. Balan added that the government had proposed a package for Kadar families “that might be affected by the project,” which would include a new house on an acre of land per family, plus a common area for a public health facility and a school. In other words, the government was really not going to destroy the village, but if they did, they would provide housing for the affected Kadar.

As minister not only of electricity but also of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, Mr. Balan may have had other concerns about the welfare of the Kadar. But he also announced that the proposed reservoir would have facilities for speed boating, trekking, bush walking, and other activities that should attract more tourists to the southwest coastal mountains of India. The government thus intended to provide jobs for the people affected by the development.

Similar mixed messages of great concern—and a serious lack of concern—by government officials for the welfare of the Kadar come through in the current news report about the Anakkayam Colony and its troubles.

 

On the website of the 2019 International Year of Indigenous Languages, Dr. Edwin Antonio announced that he will be offering a program that will seek to revive and strengthen the traditional language of the Buid. According to the announcement, the program was planned to run from June 2 at 9:00 am through August 31 at 5:00 pm.

A sample of the Buid script
A sample of the Buid script (Prepared by M. Adiputra on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Dr. Antonio works under the auspices of the Katutubo Exchange School of Living Traditions, an institution that he founded six years ago to promote the indigenous societies in the Philippines. He explained to a reporter in October 2018 covering a different program sponsored by his organization that his group serves to “empower indigenous young people. It is a way to make them realize their potentials especially that it’s the first time [for] the majority of the participants to travel outside their communities… They were able to experience local culture and in turn shared proudly of their indigenous cultural heritage [at the program.]”

His program this summer will focus on the Surat Mangyan, the syllabaries of the Buid and their Mangyan neighbors at the southern tip of Mindoro Island, the Hanunoo. The syllabaries, declared a National Cultural Treasure in 1997, are no longer taught so they are being forgotten.

Mangyans dancing
Mangyans dancing (Photo by Colin and Sarah Northway on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The overall purpose of the summer program is stated as “capacity building,” education jargon which another page in the IYIL website defines as “Delivered expanded educational capacity to provide more equitable and inclusive access to education in areas where indigenous languages and traditional knowledge feature prominently, the improvements being derived from new and open educational resources associated with relevant learning strategies, progressive teaching methods and teacher education …”

Jargon aside, perhaps the most significant part of Dr. Antonio’s announcement is the last sentence, where he declares that, in addition to the use of the script, he hopes to promote in the daily lives of the Buid their appreciation for their traditional love poetry, called “ambahan.”

Earlier news stories in this website in 2011 and 2016 go into some detail about the importance to the Buid of their ambahan, details that don’t need to be repeated. It is sufficient to say that their tradition of reciting love poetry in an archaic language and style at the appropriate times and places is an important factor in promoting the peaceful characteristics of the society.

The people will express the routine, day-to-day thoughts in their ordinary Buid language—“Do I have time to do some farm work this afternoon before supper?” But the critically important messages traditionally have been conveyed with ambahan—“you are looking especially gorgeous this evening!” Dr. Antonio will perform a service to peacefulness if he can reignite the interest of the Buid youth in their love poetry tradition.

 

Tijah Yok Chopil, a prominent Semai leader, gave a speech on Tuesday last week in which she castigated the one-year-old Pakatan Harapan government of Malaysia for continuing to ignore the rights of the Orang Asli. An article on May 28 in the Malay Mail reviewed her charges.

Tijah Yok Chopil
Tijah Yok Chopil (Screenshot from the video “Orang Asli Struggle for Land Rights, by Malaysiakini TV, Creative Commons license)

Tijah said that the Orang Asli were quite upset by what she termed “rude” statements made by the Chief Minister of the state of Perak and other PH party leaders. The Menteri Besar, the Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Ahmad Faizal Azumu, had recently commented about a dispute between an Orang Asli community and the state over the community’s demand that the state approve their ownership of 12,456 hectares of customary lands.

The Chief Minister replied that the state needed to take action against people who encroach on government lands since Malaysia is not a cowboy nation. “We understand PH had just become the government, but as a small community that has been oppressed for a long time, we feel that the slow progress of the PH government in the period of either 100 days or 10 months reflects that there are not many changes made for the Orang Asli community,” the reporter quoted the Semai leader as saying.

Tijah, who has been mentioned a number of times in news stories over the years, went on to say that during the many decades that the Barisan Nasional (BN) party was in power, Orang Asli voices were “twisted.” Lands belonging traditionally to the Orang Asli were taken away and used for development projects. This was seen as good for the country. “And now under [the] PH government, the situation is the same or even much worse,” she said.

Banners for both the BN and the Pakatan Harapan parties were displayed on a tree
Banners for both the BN and the Pakatan Harapan parties were displayed on a tree (Photo by tian yake on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Tijah reportedly got tears in her eyes as she discussed the upset among the Orang Asli at this turn of events. They had worked in the run-up to the national elections in May 2018 against the BN, viewing their 60 years in power as a time of discrimination against the original people of Malaysia. They had hoped for better from the PH party. A photo accompanying the Malay Mail story shows her with her hand up to her eyes.

She gave her speech at the launch of the Annual Human Rights Report 2018 in Kuala Lumpur by a human rights advocacy group called Suara Rakyat Malaysia, or SUARAM. Another speaker on the program that day, Kua Kia Soong, said in his speech that nothing much had been achieved for human rights in Malaysia over the past year since the PH party had been in power.

 

An Amish couple has settled a lawsuit against the U.S. federal government with guarantees that their freedom from being photographed will not be abrogated. The Indianapolis Star published an account of the historic agreement on May 29.

Amish kids walking home from school in Orange County, Indiana
Amish kids walking home from school in Orange County, Indiana (Photo by Cindy Cornett Seigle on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Since Old Order Amish religious beliefs prohibit self-promotion, they were listed in the lawsuit only as “John and Jane Doe.” Their situation is that John, the father of 11 children and a U.S. citizen, lost his first wife when she died due to complications in childbirth. In 2014 he married Jane, a Canadian who had entered the U.S. legally. The couple has since had two more children. The 15 members of the family live in an Amish community in Southern Indiana.

In January 2015 Jane decided to apply for permanent residency status so she could continue living with her large family. She and John submitted all the paperwork and documents as needed except for the personal photographs the forms required. The couple also completed the required immigration interviews. But they refused to supply personal photographs, which would violate the biblical prohibition against making graven images of oneself (Exodus 20:4). They deeply believe in that stricture—it’s prohibited by the Bible and it might lead to self-promotion.

An Amish family taking a morning stroll near Rochester, Indiana
An Amish family taking a morning stroll near Rochester, Indiana (Photo by johnny_appleseed1774 on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Her application was denied despite the fact that she had willingly provided other biometric information such as her finger prints. Being denied residency, Jane faced leaving her husband and family and returning to Canada or her family moving up to Canada to live with her.

The newspaper contacted Michael H. Sampson, one of the attorneys for the couple. He said that the Amish are highly opposed to fighting in court. “They never wanted to go through this,” he said. He expressed the hope that as a result of the court settlement, other Amish people would not have to go through what the Doe family has experienced. He added that initially the government officials “didn’t pay attention or take the matter seriously.”

The District Courthouse for Southern Indiana in Indianapolis
The District Courthouse for Southern Indiana in Indianapolis (Photo by Brent Moore on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

After their initial negotiations with the agencies involved—the Department of Homeland Security and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service—failed, the couple decided to sue them in the US District Court for the Southern District of Indiana. They complained that the agencies and the officials in them were violating their rights to freedom of religion, of speech, and of association.

Subsequent negotiations handled by the pro bono efforts of the Reed Smith law practice in Pittsburgh secured a waiver from the government of the requirements for the photograph. Ms. Doe has now been cleared to have her permanent residency approved. Procedures for her to travel back and forth between her Indiana home and her extended family in Canada have also been agreed upon. The settlement stipulates that she will only have to show her permanent residency card and the agreement signed by the government in order to cross the border.

Attorney Sampson concluded for the newspaper that John and Jane are just like any other parents—they want to care for and love their children. “My clients are just thrilled to have this resolved” he said. “It means they can be a family — that’s what they wanted.”

The news story suggests that the Amish refuse to be photographed not only because of the Bible but also in order to promote personal modesty. Avoiding self-promotion with the goal of strengthening a peaceful social order is not unique to the Amish, however: social scientists have noted a number of similar strategies among other peaceful societies. A few selections from the literature will illustrate how comparable strategies can help people minimize discord in order to achieve reasonably conflict-free societies.

An Inuit family at their home in Nunavut
An Inuit family at their home in Nunavut (Photo by Ansgar Walk in Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons license)

For instance, the Inuit strategy is for individuals to be very modest, cautious, and reticent about their own accomplishments. Also, they avoid making direct requests. According to Briggs (1994), if they have to request something, they turn it into a joke so that a confrontation is avoided and a denial is part of the joke. Furthermore, they do not make invitations or promises; they do not ask questions of other people, particularly the question “why,” either about the way others feel or what their plans may be.

Munch (1945) wrote that the Tristan Islanders repress self-assertion and evince a strong respect for others. The major principle guiding the relationships of the islanders with one another is a strong sense of self-respect and mutual helpfulness. They attach great importance to maintaining their personal dignity, and refuse to drink alcohol even if offered to them by visitors. Their considerate, kind behavior toward one another justly earns them a reputation as being “one of the most peace-loving people on earth,” Munch wrote.

A Ju/’hoansi village in the Nyae Nyae Conservancy
A Ju/’hoansi village in the Nyae Nyae Conservancy (Photo by Carsten ten Brink on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Several anthropologists have written about the way the Ju/’hoansi avoid self-promotion, though Lee (1978) may have captured it best. He wrote that leadership qualities vary among them: some leaders are excellent speakers, some have strong personalities, some have gruff personalities, some are charming, some are mellow and some are soft-spoken. They share no common traits except that they are never aloof, boastful, overbearing, or arrogant, characteristics that they can’t accept.

The traditional leaders recognize the absolute equality of everyone and exert their leadership through indirect and subtle means. However, according to Lee, contact with the larger political realities of dealing with outside groups and representatives of modern southern African nations have required them to accept leaders who, in order to deal effectively with the outsiders, must be aggressive and articulate. The characteristics of the new leaders have thus become completely different from, and represent a denial of, the traditional leadership qualities of generosity, modesty, and egalitarian behavior.

And finally, the Paliyans maintain order and resolve conflicts through the use of several social and personal mechanisms. The first mechanism is self-restraint—the repression of anger and expressions of hostile feelings. In order to achieve this, they avoid the consumption of alcohol, which they feel would make them aggressive. According to Gardner (1972) they dissipate anger by applying to their foreheads sirupani pu, or “laughing flower.”

Whether people apply special flowers to their foreheads or refuse to allow photos of their faces, societies that have a strong desire to avoid conflicts and anger that might lead to violence have evolved a variety of methods of fostering personal restraint. The Amish are not the only people with unique approaches to building peacefulness.

 

A news story in August 2016 indicated that the world-famous Guelaguetza festival of the Zapotec had become so commercialized and made for tourists that the Zapotec themselves were forming alternatives. Called “People’s Guelaguetza” festivals, the alternatives also celebrate in a party atmosphere the Zapotec tradition of sharing and giving but without so many outsiders.

Guelaguetza 2018
Guelaguetza 2018 (Photo by Abraham Pacheco on /Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

A news report published early last week by the English-language website Mexico News Daily implied that the trend of commercializing the Guelaguetza may not yet have run its course. The article reported that a very well-known young actress from Oaxaca named Yalitza Aparicio has been appointed by the state governor as the ambassador of Oaxaca’s Guelaguetza festival for this coming season.

“The Oaxaca native will be the face of what is probably Latin America’s largest ethnic festival,” the headline for the news story gushed. The article does not bother to give much information about Guelaguetza and what it means to the Zapotec themselves other than having a grand party. It indicates only that the word comes from the Zapotec language meaning “reciprocal exchanges of gifts and services,” before continuing with a breathless paragraph about all the tourists who travel to Oaxaca for the festival each year.

It’s not hard to find more thorough explanations about the real meaning of Guelaguetza in the anthropology literature. Ralph Beals’ 1970 article “Gifting, Reciprocity, Savings and Credit in Peasant Oaxaca” is useful for the information it provides about the Guelaguetza. He writes, p.234-235, that traditional reciprocal exchanges among the Zapotec, usually referred to as “Guelaguetza,” are quite formal and ritualized—the opposite of gifting.

A Zapotec woman from the Oaxaca Valley
A Zapotec woman from the Oaxaca Valley (Photo by Elí García-Padilla on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Those ritual exchanges include both labor and goods, and detailed accounting is kept of the exact value of the goods and the precise amounts of labor given. The records are kept for decades so that they can be correctly balanced out by return gifts, which must be returned in value and kind, with cash used to make up any differences. These ‘gifts’ are more nearly comparable to interest-free loans, and the giver views the gifts as a type of savings which can be retrieved on demand.

Guelaguetza contributions are requested of relatives primarily; when they are requested from non-relatives, they do not involve expectations of any special social relationships. While enemies do not form reciprocal exchanges, there is no implication of friendship in this type of exchange, the anthropologist concludes.

For its part, the Mexico News Daily story concludes that Guelaguetza in Oaxaca will take place this year between July 22 and 29 with “countless cultural activities” scheduled for the week in the city of Oaxaca and around the state—all aimed at attracting tourist pesos, of course.

 

The 2563rd birthday of the Buddha was celebrated in Leh, Ladakh, on May 18th with the usual fervor, according to articles in The Dispatch and the Daily Excelsior, two news sources in that part of India..

A view of Leh from a nearby hill showing the rectangular Polo Ground in the lower left corner
A view of Leh from a nearby hill showing the rectangular Polo Ground in the lower left corner (Photo by Kondephy on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Organized by the Ladakh Buddhist Association, the day started with a procession called the “Bumskor” that began at the Chowkhang Vihara, The procession went around Leh town and ended at the Leh Polo Ground. Devotees carried sacred books and scriptures along with tableaus representing the 12 stages in the life of the Buddha. Hundreds of school children participated in the festivities.

The President of the LBA, Tsewang Thinles, gave the welcoming address at the Polo Ground. He asked the Ladakhi people to follow the Buddha and live in harmony with others, thereby setting an example of peacefulness for all. Buddhists should practice the Dharma in a very real way, he maintained.

A young Ladakhi girl at an event for the Dalai Lama
A young Ladakhi girl at an event for the Dalai Lama (Photo by BJ Graf on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

He urged his listeners to inculcate the values of Ladakh in the children in order to preserve the traditional Ladakhi culture. Hundreds of students from various schools sang songs praising Lord Buddha and they presented a skit that depicted his life.

Ven Shedup Chamba, the President of the All Ladakh Gonpa Association, Leh, said that the birthday of the Buddha was important for all Buddhists to observe since it marks not only his birth but also his enlightenment and his death. He urged his listeners to avoid using alcohol during celebrations, not because it violates the teachings of the Buddha but because it has harmful effects on individuals, families, and society as a whole.

Togdan Rinpoche
Togdan Rinpoche (Photo by Konchoktenpa on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The major guest for the occasion was His Eminence Togdan Rinpoche. In his speech at the Polo Ground, the Rinpoche highlighted the teachings of the Buddha, which represent a gift to all people. He spoke about the life of the Buddha, emphasizing the peace, unity, and harmony that Buddhism fosters, as well as prosperity for society. He appealed to the crowd to avoid harmful practices and to cherish high moral standards and selfless attitudes.

The assumption that the beliefs and practices of Buddhism are primarily responsible for the peacefulness that does persist in Ladakh was not discussed by those two newspaper articles and perhaps not in so many words by the speakers at the events of the 18th. It is a controversial assumption among scholars, in fact.

An elderly Ladakhi woman
An elderly Ladakhi woman (Photo by Deshkhanna on Pixabay, for free use)

Uwe Gielen, for instance, who is an emeritus professor of psychology at St. Francis College in Brooklyn, maintains that the Buddhist beliefs of the Ladakhi people are primarily responsible for their nonviolence. In a 2004 paper, Gielen argues for the distinct differences between the social structures of Ladakh, which he sees as cooperative and synergistic, and the aggressive individualism of the U.S. They “stand in stark contrast” to each other, he writes.

He bases his conclusions on fieldwork he did around Leh in 1980-81. He used a questionnaire on a range of Ladakhi people soliciting their reactions to fictional stories set in Ladakh in which adults and children had to deal with difficult problems. The responses to his questionnaire allowed him to reach conclusions as to how the people decide complex moral issues. They also allowed him to assess the ways the Ladakhi would reason social concerns such as interpersonal relationships, guilt and punishment, friendship and anger, and so forth.

The Wheel of Life in the courtyard of the Thikse Monastery 12 miles east of Leh
The Wheel of Life in the courtyard of the Thikse Monastery 12 miles east of Leh (Photo by Redtigerxyz on Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Gielen summarized his assessments of Ladakhi nonviolence as being based on a worldview that is best summarized by the Buddhist Wheel of Life image found near the entrances to their monasteries. Those images reaffirm the teachings of Tibetan Buddhism, which many Ladakhi believe in. They undermine natural human tendencies toward selfishness and thereby reduce interpersonal conflicts.

As a result of their Buddhist beliefs, their society is remarkable peaceful, he argues. People are normally quite cheerful and good-humored. Aggressive behavior “is extremely rare and confined to the occasional, usually harmless, fights between young men under the influence of the local beer,” he writes (p.174).

Fernanda Pirie, a British anthropologist at the University of Oxford, who did fieldwork in a village in the mountains south of Leh, disagrees. She rejects the idea that the peacefulness of the people is based on their Buddhism. In the opening chapter of her 2007 book Peace and Conflict in Ladakh: The Construction of a Fragile Web of Order, the anthropologist describes the practical ways conflicts are settled by the Ladakhi. They all know one another and prefer to not let conflicts fester.

Ladakhi men playing their horns at a festival
Ladakhi men playing their horns at a festival (Photo by Braden Gunem on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The Ladakhi feel a strong need to maintain order in their villages by resolving conflicts and controlling anger, issues that they think could promote violence. Her book reviews the social factors that promote their goal of maintaining peacefulness. They hold the village, named Photoksar, together by building cross-cutting ties such as mutual assistance groups and kinship connections.

They constantly downplay differences in wealth among the villagers. In fact, they steadfastly avoid talking about such matters or even acknowledging that there are differences in wealth. The villagers rotate leadership positions to make sure that even those who are highly competent do not get to stand out above others. People who quarrel are described in terms that suggest they are bad or dirty, words that convey strong negative feelings about the quarreling.

They do not accept the concepts of revenge or of justifiable anger. In sum, while acknowledging the importance of Buddhism to the villagers, Pirie argues that their social beliefs and practices are primarily responsible for their nonviolence.

None of this is meant to undercut the importance of the religious beliefs of the Buddhist Ladakhis and their celebrations of the birthday of the Buddha. But their peacefulness appears to be a more complex issue than just that.

 

Two women fled the Indian mega-city of Bengaluru for the rural life in Kodaikanal four years ago because they had been impressed by the Paliyans and their ways of harvesting wild honey. The story of the two women and the forest-cherishing spirit of the Paliyans impressed a reporter from the South Indian paper the Deccan Herald, which published an article about them on Sunday last week.

Patches of stunted shola forests in the mountains of South India
Patches of stunted shola forests in the mountains of South India (Photo by Anand2202 in Wikipedia, Creative Commons license)

Nishitha Vasanth and Priyashri Manil were in Kodaikanal in 2015 for a funded project focusing on understanding the Adivasi—indigenous—people living there and the ways they take care of the shola forests. When some Paliyans offered to sell the two honey, the city people became intrigued. Why not sell the forest honey to a wider audience? They started a business called Hoopoe on a Hill to market the Paliyan products—the honey produced by the wild bees—more widely. Besides, they were intrigued by the hunting and gathering lifestyle of the Paliyans and wanted to be more involved with it.

The Paliyans have been trading honey for a very long time, exchanging it for necessities such as salt or clothing, though they now sell the honey they gather for money, the ladies told the journalist. Priyashri went on to say that they are committed to making sure that the Paliyans get a fair return for their honey; they want to ensure that their business relationships are fair and not exploitative. “This gives [the] Adivasis one more reason to continue their traditional livelihood inside the forest,” Nishita added.

Wild bees nest in Kerala
Wild bees nest in Kerala (Photo by kerim on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The pair said that they were fascinated by the way the Paliyans venture into the forests and gather honey. They choose a camp site and fabricate the tools and supplies they will need out of twigs and vines. After offering a prayer, people with the skills to climb will go up trees or cliffs to get near the beehives. Then they use smoke to overwhelm the bees so they can take the honey chamber out of the hive. They bring the honeycombs down to the ground, extract the honey, and leave the combs and hives for the bees when they head back to their villages with their harvest.

The ladies added that the Paliyans have been passing down their forest skills and knowledge for generations. For instance, they know that smoking bees out of their hives will only affect them temporarily and that they will return to their hives shortly after the smokers have left. Since the Paliyan are careful to only remove the honey chamber from the hive, the brood is left intact. The bees will return and soon rebuild the honey chamber—at least by the following season.

Six Paliyan kids
Six Paliyan kids (Photo courtesy of Steven Bonta)

Furthermore, the Paliyans limit harm to the honeybees by not using any machinery in the harvesting. The gathering is done by individuals who are camped temporarily in the forest.

Priyashri and Nishita say that another benefit of their arrangement with the Paliyans is that during the honey-harvesting season, they have access to greater amounts of money which they use for larger expenses—weddings, school fees, and repaying loans. The money they earn from gathering honey is more significant to them than the earnings from daily work for wages. For their part, the two women admit that they often have to return to the city due to their business—“but we love our home here,” they conclude.

Honey bee comb on a tree in Tamil Nadu
Honey bee comb on a tree in Tamil Nadu (Photo by Raj on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The major changes in the honey-gathering by the Paliyans today as compared to 50 years ago when Peter Gardner was doing fieldwork in their communities would appear to be  in the marketing of the produce from the forests of Tamil Nadu. Gardner (1972) noted that the honey was gathered from trees and cliff faces then, as it is obviously done today. Honey was a major sources of income then as now.

In 1972, they traded the honey with their Tamil neighbors for things like clothing, pots, tools and ornaments. Now they sell their honey for money in order to pay for such things. But when it comes to their relationship with the forest, a very similar sense of close connection and respect for the wild bees comes through in the current article in the Deccan Herald as well as in Gardner’s writings: the Paliyans are still intent on preserving the forest for the many benefits they gain from it.

 

Minket Lepcha, a woman from Darjeeling, has devoted several years to promoting and protecting the Teesta River through her skills as a filmmaker. A news story published on May 10 in EastMojo, an online news platform from northeastern India, provided details about the film she has produced and the effects it is having on audiences.

The Teesta River flowing through Sikkim
The Teesta River flowing through Sikkim (Photo by Athar Parvaiz on India Climate Dialogue, Creative Commons license)

With its source in the mountains of North Sikkim, the Teesta flows 315 km south to the Bay of Bengal. It is important in the folklore of the Lepcha as Rongnyu, a river spirit that merges with Rangeet, another river spirit, and together in the love story they enter the waters of the bay. The sacred nature of the river helps define the Lepcha culture.

In 2007, Lepcha activists formed a group called Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT), a few years after the government had announced plans to build a network of hydropower dams along the Teesta and its tributaries. The hunger strikes of the activists captured the news, which particularly emphasized the nonviolent nature of the protests, a salient characteristic of Lepcha society. The story of the dam opponents can be traced through the Peaceful Societies website News and Reviews reports on the subject.

Minket Lepcha, 35, decided to capture the story of the river and the devotion of the people to it on film—36 hours of footage consisting of interviews with fishermen, anglers, children, shamans, farmers, engineers working on the dams, conservationists and so on. Her finished product, “Voices of Teesta,” is a 41-minute film that was first shown in September 2016 at the fourth Woodpecker International Film Festival in New Delhi. She received the Young Green Filmmaker Award for the work. She also produced a 22-minute version that she presented at a conference about the Lepchas on April 27, 2019, in Gangtok and a 5-minute version that can be viewed on YouTube.

Minket, in her interview with EastMojo, told the reporter that the film is “not just about the soothing choir of the river flowing… What began as the love story of two river[s] is nothing shy of a heartbreak now with dams strangling the river off its flow and eventually [it] dying out as a mere stream.”

Minket is a graduate of the Loreto Convent in Darjeeling and the Shri Ram College of Commerce, Delhi University. When she returned to Darjeeling in 2012, she decided to go into making short films, particularly ones about folklore subjects. She was documenting a story about  the Yeti, the abominable snowman, and its venture down into the hills to meet the Rongnyu (Teesta) spirit. That led her into investigating the ongoing protests about the threats to the river system.

Lepcha children’s affection
Lepcha children’s affection (Photo by Kandukuru Nagarjun on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The filmmaker has spent a lot of her time in recent years reaching out to children in Sikkim, other parts of India, and Nepal about the river, the folklore that is part of its story, and the importance of saving it and the surrounding natural environment. She says that the folklore “has helped the children connect with the river at a much deeper level in an emotional way which our ancestors and elders used to have.” But people currently, she adds, lack that emotional connection. People now think that water is only available in bottles that come from factories.

She has focused most of her energies on presentations about the folklore of the Teesta in schools. She adds that she had recently done a presentation for students in a school for the blind in Namchi, South Sikkim. But it’s clearly a struggle. She finds that in Sikkim, children are resisting the folklore—“they tell me it is just folklore.” They want logical explanations instead, she says; they have lost the ability to wonder. But their elders still associate the Teesta with beliefs in the. supernatural, she concludes.

 

Sometimes good travel writing provides insights into the ways of local people the writer visits. Such was the case of a writer named Karla Graterol who published a brief travel piece early last week in a major Venezuelan newspaper about her visit with some Piaroa. It was refreshing to read about something other than the political and economic crises in that nation.

Petroglyphs found close to the west bank of the Orinoco near Caicara, Venezuela
Petroglyphs found close to the west bank of the Orinoco near Caicara, Venezuela (Photo by T.A. Bendrat published in the American Journal of Archaeology 1912, v.16(4) p.519; in Wikimedia in the public domain)

The writer was traveling in Amazonas state but had not gotten much beyond the capital, Puerto Ayacucho, because traveling into the forest communities is best done by boat and that’s expensive. She left the city and went through Pintao, where she had heard about the famous petroglyphs, which had gotten a lot of international publicity in 2017 when some scientists announced surprising discoveries about them. The writer stopped to ask directions to the petroglyphs.

She was delighted to see in the village a churuata, a round collective dwelling with a beautiful, conical roof. She met Alfredo, a Piaroa gentleman, who regaled the visitor with his stories. He turned out to be the teacher in the small village school, teaching children in the first through sixth grades. He also turned out to be the son of the most recent shaman in the community. He clearly loved his village and was eager to talk about the traditional ways of the Piaroa.

A Piaroa churuata
A Piaroa churuata (Photo by LuisCarlos Díaz on Flickr, Creative Commons license).

Karla impulsively asked if she could have a room for the night in his house—she wanted to learn more about the community. Alfredo was surprised by the request but accepted her as his guest without any hesitation. So she watched the villagers play football for a while and hung out with Alfredo’s daughter Rosa and her cousin until evening. The girls entertained their guest by showing her how they set a fire and made crafts. The three of them even wore crowns made of palms and flowers. Alfredo went on with his story telling until they went to sleep.

The adventures continued in the morning when they went foraging in the forest to search for tarantulas to eat. Karla writes she couldn’t have left without at least tasting some. The Piaroa found a tarantula nest and dangled a vine into it, which enticed the giant spider to think it was an insect and grab hold. The people hauled it out of the nest and roasted it in a fire. Karla thought the spiders she ate tasted like crabs.

The Pozo Azul in Puerto Ayacucho, Amazonas state
The Pozo Azul in Puerto Ayacucho, Amazonas state (photo by Kreyxmens in Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons license)

After leaving Pintao, they went to see the famed petroglyphs. Alfredo had told them that the petroglyphs were up to 2,000 years old and represented some ancient rituals. Karla then returned to Puerto Ayacucho. She also visited Pozo Azul, a natural stream-fed pool where the Piaroa often go to bathe. Upstream from the pool, the stream is warm, clear and beautiful. It feeds numerous pools that have sandy beaches around them.

In all, Karla captures some fine images of the Piaroa and their natural surroundings with only a few days of travel from a small destination city. Good travel writing.

 

An international game animal preservation organization has given its annual award for outstanding efforts to protect and promote wildlife to the Nyae Nyae Conservancy of the Ju/’hoansi San. According to an article in The Namibian last Thursday, the award was presented by the International Council for Game and Wildlife Conservation. The chief of the Ju/’hoansi, Tsamkxao ≠Oma, was presented the Edmond Blanc prize at an event held in the Safari Court Hotel in Windhoek on May 4.

Oryx hunting in Namibia
Oryx hunting in Namibia (Photo by Fieldsports Channel on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The International Council for Game and Wildlife Conservation, known as the CIC after its French name, was founded in 1928 in Paris, though it is now based in Hungary. The organization seeks to promote conservation of natural resources through responsible, sustainable hunting. Members include representatives from the wildlife ministries of 26 nation states, many organizations that promote hunting, individual scientists, and private members from 86 countries. Members, many of whom are trophy hunters, are committed to effective wildlife management.

According to a Wikipedia article about the organization, the Edmond Blanc Prize “is given to hunting areas for excellent hunting practices and special achievements in the management of wildlife.” The prize was awarded not only to the Nyae Nyae Conservancy but also to Stephan Jacobs, a professional hunter with whom the conservancy contracts to manage hunting on the conservancy’s lands and to Namibia’s Ministry of Environment and Tourism.

A San hunter in Namibia using his traditional bow and arrow
A San hunter in Namibia using his traditional bow and arrow (Photo by Charles Roffey on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

In receiving the prize, Chief Tsamkxao ≠Oma described the traditional Ju/’hoansi hunting methods to the crowd gathered from around the world. He explained that in the past they hunted without making any noise and then remained with the carcass until the meat was finished, though they realized their own human smell would keep other game animals away.

The chief went on to say that since they founded the conservancy in 1998, they have created large management areas for game animals at some distance from their villages in order to sustain wildlife and to benefit the San people in the future. Hunting is now managed in accordance with quotas set by the Ministry of Environment and Tourism, which are based on game counts. This quota system mimics the traditional patterns of the Ju/’hoansi, who only hunted when they needed food.

Elephants in Namibia
Elephants in Namibia (Photo by Frank Vassen on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Stephan Jacobs, a professional hunter who holds a contract with the conservancy to manage hunting on its lands, said that in 1970 there were no longer any elephants in the area. They first started migrating into the future conservancy in 1971 and not many years later there were 80 to 100 bull elephants in Nyae Nyae. He estimated that today there are between 1,500 and 2,000 elephants living in the conservancy.

Jacobs pointed out in his remarks that conservation hunting benefits all wildlife in the Nyae Nyae. The numbers of lions in the conservancy are up dramatically as are those of other game animals. While modern hunters use rifles to kill their cape buffaloes and elephants, the Ju/’hoansi still use their traditional hunting skills to track the game animals on foot. They may cover as many as 30 kilometers in one day.

Other benefits of the hunting program, which were also described in a recent research report, include jobs for conservancy rangers and cash payments to the Ju/’hoan villages. Also, about 30 tons of game meat was distributed to the villages, an additional benefit to their economies.