The massive earthquake that rocked southern Mexico shortly before midnight two weeks ago damaged or destroyed thousands of buildings and killed scores of people in the Zapotec city of Juchitán de Zaragoza. The magnitude 8.1 or 8.2 quake was located about 150 miles southeast of the city in the Gulf of Tehuantepec, off the coast of Chiapas.

The partially destroyed Municipal Building of Juchitán
The partially destroyed Municipal Building of Juchitán (Screenshot from the video “Continúan las labors de rescate en Juchitán” by Notimex TV on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

Chaos reigned in the city of nearly 100,000 as people scrambled to try and get outside before the buildings collapsed. In the frantic early hours of September 8, people struggled to find family members trapped in the rubble of their homes. Early reports the next morning indicated that parts of the beautiful Municipal Building as well as the city’s central market and hospital were destroyed.

Once the aftershocks began to ease off, the international media flocked in to gather stories from the survivors, in part because of the scope of the tragedy and in part due to the prominence of the city itself. Juchitán has been covered extensively in the news over the years due to its very supportive attitudes toward women and toward individuals called “muxes,” transgendered people who are born as males but are designated as females and raised to be a third gender when they grow up.

Earthquake rubble in Juchitan
Earthquake rubble in Juchitan (Screenshot from the video “Continúan las labors de rescate en Juchitán” by Notimex TV on YouTube, Creative Commons license)

The article in the VOA News, like several others, concentrated on the stories of the women and the muxes. Peregrina Vera, a 26-year old muxe, told the press (her stories were quoted in several news reports) that as soon as the earthquake started shaking their house, she carried her elderly mother out of the building. Then she and her brother stared searching for their aunt, who was trapped in the rubble.

She heard shouts for help and pulled her grandmother to safety. When the reporter interviewed her, she was sitting in a patio just beyond the collapsed walls of the house. A couple aggressive pet ducks snapped at the visitors. The reporter found out that there is a muxe in almost all Juchitán families. They are widely accepted in the local Zapotec society, especially since they often stay at home and care for their aging mothers when their siblings leave.

A small part of the much larger Juchitán market, dominated by women
A small part of the much larger Juchitán market, dominated by women (Photo by Avi Dolgin in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The downtown market, according to the VOA News, severely damaged by the quake, had been the center of power for the local Zapotec women for over a hundred years. It will have to be leveled. Irma Lopez, a seller of traditional clothing for indigenous people, expressed pride in the fact that 80 percent of the vendors in the market were women. She said that the collapse of the market will be an especially hard blow for the women of the city. “We are the ones who have lost the most,” she said as she waited next to the ruins for relatives to help her recover accessible stocks of her remaining merchandise.

Felina Santiago, the muxe owner of a beauty shop, told the reporter outside her badly damaged home that in addition to dominating the sales of goods in the market place, the Zapotec women are normally in charge of family finances. “Many say Juchitán is the ultimate matriarchy. It’s a city of women who fight, who work hard,” she said. She added, just as another structure on her block loudly collapsed, that the women were now, more than ever, determined to get to work and get the city back on its feet.

Juchitecas, the proud women of Juchitán
Juchitecas, the proud women of Juchitán (Photo by Matt Borden on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

A 56-year old domestic worker in the city’s Seventh Division, Margarita Lopez, expressed similar opinions. The reporter interviewed her while she stood in a crowd of women waiting for a promised delivery of food. “Yes, we have our husbands, and we don’t leave them behind,” she said. “But we women matter more. We take decisions, more than the men do.” The other women in the crowd nodded their heads in agreement. Although in Mexico as a whole men do not normally help with household chores such as washing dishes or cooking, in Juchitán husbands do help with those tasks.

A male surgeon, Ovidio Pineda, said that men in the city find the gender equality to be natural. Men and women share responsibilities and cooperate in making decisions, he said.

The VOA interviewed Marta Toledo, the owner of a bar located in a 200-year-old building that was destroyed by the quake, killing three clients. She said the earthquake would not level the spirit of the city. She was interrupted by another aftershock that prompted her and others to run for their lives. Then, standing near the rubble that used to be her business, she said, “Women stand out here, in terms of work and intelligence and experience.”

She summed up what all the women and muxes were saying: “We have to rebuild and rise like the phoenix.” She started singing in Zapotec a song with the chorus lines, “I want to shout, I am alive!” Other news stories from Juchitán and nearby communities, such as those in ABC News, and Telesur TV, reported similar impressions and quoted from the same interviewees in several cases. Responses to the earthquake make it clear that the women and muxes view themselves as the backbone of Zapotec society in the southern part of Oaxaca.

 

Parks Canada hired 17 Inuit to help guard a couple Canadian treasures—the underwater wrecks of two Franklin Expedition ships discovered over the past three years. Jimmy Pauloosie, Jr., an 18-year old from Gjoa Haven, told the CBC last week that the responsibility of being employed in the Guardians program made him feel “pretty impressive.”  He added that he feels “happy and proud.” The wreck of the Erebus, one of the two ships from the Franklin Expedition that searched for the fabled Northwest Passage in the 1840s but was lost in the ice, was discovered with the help of the Inuit in 2014. A Canadian research team found the Terror, the other lost ship, in 2016. Inuit traditional knowledge was a key to both discoveries.

The Guardian Camp on Saunitalik Island, near the wreck of the Erebus
The Guardian camp on Saunitalik Island, near the wreck of the Erebus (Photo by Parks Canada)

In August 2017, four Guardians set up camp on Saunitalik Island, a short ride on a Zodiac away from the site of the Erebus. Another group of Guardians set up camp near the Terror. They watch for polar bears that might threaten the archaeologists who are studying the two wrecks, stay alert for unauthorized ships, and scan the ground for artifacts.

They use satellite phones to keep in touch. Local Inuit are still permitted to fish and hunt in the two areas but others need permits to visit, much less to dive there. Members of the Gjoa Haven community have gotten calls from outsiders asking about guides so they can visit the ships.

Some of the Guardians from Gjoa Haven
Some of the Guardians from Gjoa Haven (Photo by Parks Canada)

The mayor of Gjoa Haven, Joanni Sallerina, told the CBC that his town is glad to be included with the management of the historic sites. Young people are looking for work—half the community is age 24 or younger. He continued that it is their own land and the nearest Guardians camp is located where they hunt anyway. He added that their ancestors salvaged stuff such as metal items from the wrecks. “It’s a real honour to be a part of history, and I do feel the whole community feels that way,” he said. They expect to benefit economically from tourists some day.

A Franklin Interim Advisory Committee, which includes representatives from Inuit organizations, communities, and the governments of Canada and Nunavut, came up with the idea of employing Guardians from the local town. Louie Kamookak, an Inuit member of the committee and an authority on the history of their encounters with people from the South, said that their indigenous knowledge was the key to finding both ships.

But more than that, he argued that many programs in the North are developed and run by Canadians from the South. “A lot of times, the Inuit are just watching as people come up and do their thing.” The way Parks Canada is running this program validates their traditional knowledge, which, he told the CBC, “is just as important as someone with a degree.” Eventually, he hopes the base camp near the Erebus can have Inuit families living there for longer periods of time. Parks Canada indicated that the Guardians program will be followed by greater involvement by the Inuit with the process of finding and documenting artifacts from the lost expedition.

An underwater archaeologist at work
An underwater archaeologist at work (Photo by Parks Canada)

This summer, underwater archaeology teams spent a lot of time preparing for more extensive work on the wrecks in the coming summer seasons. Since 2014, divers have identified the bronze bell from the Erebus as well as brass cannons and a sword handle. After more than 250 hours of dives, 64 items have been recovered. Six people from Gjoa Haven were included as members of an archaeology team working on the ice near the Terror back in April, using a remotely operated vehicle to take photos and videos around the wreck of that ship.

 

A Malaysian university is installing an innovative hydro power project that will provide a sustainable supply of electricity to a remote Semai village in the Cameron Highlands. Harian Metro, a Malaysian newspaper, sent a reporter into the village to see the installation and report on the village of Pos Lemoi that will benefit from it. Pos Lemoi is composed of three settlements: Kampung Lemoi, Kampung Terlimau and Kampung Cenang Cerah.

The approaching dark of night in the Cameron Highlands
The approaching dark of night in the Cameron Highlands (Photo by amrufm in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The village is located about 25 km southeast of the resort town of Ringlet in the Cameron Highlands, but it has not had any sources of electricity except for some solar power and gasoline generators. The community is dark at night. And, of most notice to the reporter and to other visitors, the access road is very rough and can be traveled only by high-clearance, four-wheel-drive vehicles and motorcycles. The reporter accompanied a team from the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) to visit the installation.

The project the engineers are installing is known as the Vortex Hydro Integration Project. According to a Wikipedia article, “vortex power is a form of hydro power which generates energy by placing obstacles in rivers/oceans in order to cause the formation of vortices which can then be tapped to a usable form of energy such as electricity.” The approach was developed by a team at the University of Michigan. A press release from the university helped explain the nature of the project. To judge by the photo that accompanied the newspaper article, the UTM engineers have adapted the technology for what appears to be a very small stream known as the Lemoi River.

A Gravitation Water Vortex Power Plant in Austria
A Gravitation Water Vortex Power Plant in Austria (Photo by Zotloeterer in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

A dam was built to funnel the water into a channel so that it would enter a basin, where it will rotate a turbine. The leader of the project, Professor Dr. Asan Ali Golam Hassan, said that the small generating station, construction of which started last November, will be environmentally friendly when it is finished in October. It will supply about 5 kilowatts of electric power to some of the 246 inhabitants living in the 40 homes in Kampung Lemoi. (All three settlements have 634 inhabitants.) About 40 kilowatts of power would be needed for all of the homes in just that one settlement. Dr. Asan Ali said that the vortex technology is being installed for a modest cost of RM 92,850 (US$22,000), which was funded by a grant from the Department of Higher Education.

The vortex hydro installation is located about 350 meters from the settlement. It is 90 percent complete and will be finished by the end of September. It is non-polluting and it will be easy to maintain. The professor explained that it is the first hydro vortex project to be implemented for any of the Orang Asli (Original People) communities in Malaysia. The development involved 21 researchers at various offices in UTM plus from other institutions in Malaysia.

Prof. Asan Ali explained that the electricity usage will be phased in, with power provided first to the community center, the clinic, street lights, and home interiors. The second phase the developers are planning is to provide power for cooperatives in Pos Lemoi so the communities can invest in business and marketing activities, the care of livestock, and possibly ecotourism.

Semai children in a community in the Cameron Highlands
Semai children in a community in the Cameron Highlands (Photo by tian yake in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The reporter spoke with the headman of the Semai village, Zainal Bahsiapa, who expressed his pleasure with the development. He said that while they have had some solar power, they have had problems with batteries that are easily damaged and are not durable. Generators run on expensive gasoline so they can’t be used very much either.

He did mention that road access to the village is a difficult, two-hour slog over the hills to the main paved road into Ringlet, which complicates their economic conditions. A blog account by a group of motorcycle riders taking a trip into Pos Lemoi includes numerous photos of the road and the village at the end of it.

The community does have an elementary school, which the motorcyclists saw from the outside. However, they were so caught up in their adventure of getting their machines along the nearly impassible track that they did not seem to wonder how other government services were being provided to a community without a usable access road.

Nubian activists were peacefully demonstrating in Aswan for their rights on Sunday September 3rd when the police responded by arresting 24 of them. The Nubians, citing Article 263 in the current constitution, which provides for the return of lands in Southern Egypt to them, held widely-publicized protests for their rights last November, but the government is loath to fulfill its promises to the people. The same issues remain unresolved today.

According to a report in the Middle East Monitor (MEM), the protesters in the demonstration last week sang folk songs that described conditions in Nubian resettlement communities after they were forcibly exiled from their former villages along the Nile. Their communities and most of Old Nubia were destroyed by the completion of the Aswan Dam in the 1960s.

The Aswan government building, torched by Nubian demonstrators, September 2011
The Aswan government building, torched by Nubian demonstrators, September 2011 (Photo on the Egyptian Chronicles blog, Creative Commons license)

The demonstrators last week were planning to go to the Midan Al-Mahatta, a park, where they expected to protest in front of the Aswan government building. The same government building had been set on fire by Nubian demonstrators during a protest in September 2011. Instead, according to a statement by Siham Othman to the online news service Masr Al-Arabiya and quoted by MEM, they were surrounded by police forces that prevented them from entering the park.

Another activist, Tarek Yahia, reported that they then went to another location and held up banners reading “Nubian identity, the implementation of the constitution.” Police forces surrounded the demonstrators, got into physical confrontations, and leveled their guns at them. They then deleted videos and pictures of the protest from the cameras of the demonstrators in order to eliminate, Yahia alleged, evidence that the protest had been peaceful.

Nubian kids in Aswan
Nubian kids in Aswan (Photo by Eve Fouché in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Yahia went on to say that the 24 who were arrested Sunday night were held in an Aswan jail overnight. They were then questioned on Monday morning by prosecutors without having any access to lawyers. The Nubians were then ordered to be detained for four days for such crimes as disrupting public security, possession of flyers, inciting protests, protesting without permission, and receiving funds from foreign sources.

On Tuesday, the demonstrators obtained a lawyer, Mustafa El-Hassan, who told the government-owned news service Ahram Online that this was the first confrontation between Nubians and security forces since the demonstration last November. The lawyer works at the Hisham Mubarak human rights law center. El-Hassan added that the basic demand of the protesters is that article 263 of the constitution must be implemented. It states that the government should work to return the Nubians to their original lands in Southern Egypt within 10 years.

The Corniche in Aswan
The Corniche in Aswan (Photo by Marc Ryckaert in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Another news service reported that security forces intercepted the marchers at a place known as the Corniche of the Nile and arrested several prominent Nubian leaders among the 24, including Mounir Bashir, President of the Nubian Lawyers Association. Mohamed Azmy, the former president of the Nubian General Union in Aswan, was also arrested. Tight security measures were imposed around the Aswan government building and the Dorrat al-Nil park, where the protesters were trying to assemble. Security people told the news service that the participants had not obtained the proper permits for their demonstration.

A brief news story by the Associated Press on Wednesday September 6 indicated that a judge in Aswan that day had authorized the continued detention of the protesters for another week, until September 13, when he plans to review their case.

 

One of the more significant aspects of the nonviolence that epitomizes many of the world’s most peaceful societies is the relatively high status of women and girls. Each society is different, of course, but in many of them the women and girls are considered to be equal, or nearly so, to men and boys. Males who dominate females do exist in some of those societies but actual violence between the sexes is very rare. Or it used to be.

Kung Fu nuns of the Drukpa Order
Kung Fu nuns of the Drukpa Order (Photo by Drukpa Publications Pvt. Ltd. in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Last Wednesday, an article from NBC News described the enthusiasm among young Ladakhi females for a five day self-defense course. Attacks  by Ladakhi males are evidently now a very real possibility. According to the article, nuns of the Drukpa Order of Buddhism, called Drukpa Kung Fu Nuns, mastered the martial art and decided to train Ladakhi girls and young women in ways to defend themselves. While the women and girls practiced kung fu during the week, the more experienced nuns walked through the rows of students, correcting their various kicks and movements.

The first of a planned series of training sessions, the workshop was held at the Hemis Monastery in Ladakh in early August. It was organized by a nonprofit organization called Live to Love International, which was founded by the Gyalwang Drukpa, the head of the Drukpa Order of Tibetan Buddhism. In 2009 he had introduced kung fu training to the order’s nuns as a means of promoting their self-defense, confidence, and health.

The Gyalyang Drukpa, left, at a fundraising event for the Live to Love NGO
The Gyalyang Drukpa, left, at a fundraising event for the Live to Love NGO (Screenshot from “Event Highlight Video I Live to Love Charity Event” by Think & Thing Pictures on Vimeo, Creative Commons license)

The program each day included kung fu training such as handling attacks from behind, dealing with sexual assaults, and planning escape routes. The sessions included discussions and group sharing, when the women and girls were encouraged to talk about their own experiences. Competitive games and dancing were organized in the evenings.

One of the nuns, Palmo, told the reporter that she developed a lot of self-confidence from her own kung fu training. She said she joined the order when her father explained to her that the Gyalwang Drukpa focused a lot of his attention on women’s empowerment. She became a nun so that she could help other Ladakhi girls.

The courtyard of the Hemis gompa, a monastery of the Drukpa Order of Buddhism near Leh,Ladakh
The courtyard of the Hemis gompa, a monastery of the Drukpa Order of Buddhism near Leh,Ladakh (Photo by twiga269 FEMEN on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Carrie Lee, a former president of Live to Love, told participants during the workshop at Hemis how she had worked as a lawyer in the U.S. and had fallen in love with Ladakh, particularly with the Ladakhi girls who had especially inspired her, when she first visited 13 years ago. She circulated around the room asking the participants about their hopes for their futures. The organizers had widely posted advertising signs around Ladakh and the workshop attracted about 100 females from ages 13 to 28, including some Muslim girls and young women.

A 23-year old participant, Tsering Yang Chen, said that she had recently been in a shop and the shopkeeper had touched her inappropriately. Though she said nothing at the time, she said she felt dirty afterwards. Then, when she heard about the workshop, she decided to take it. “When someone touches me, I want to punch him,” she told the reporter, adding that men also whistle at girls in the markets.

A Ladakhi girl from the Zanskar Valley
A Ladakhi girl from the Zanskar Valley (Photo by sandeepachetan.com travel photography on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Another participant, 16-year old Stanzin Norzin, told the reporter that the best part of the workshop for her was learning to punch correctly. She said that since young women and girls often have to travel alone at night, they worry about their safety. She added that she would certainly be more confidant and feel stronger as a result of the workshop. Participants slept in tents, woke early, and spent most of their days practicing their new skills.

Jigmet Skitzom, a 17-year old, was excited by the training, even if it was tiring. “It’s difficult, but we can do it if we try,” she said, adding that the experience would be especially useful if she and the rest leave Ladakh and travel to larger cities in India such as New Delhi for schooling beyond the 12th grade.

Ms. Lee offered a conclusion to the reporter when she said that the workshop was the first time she had heard that “having confidence can save your life.” She added wryly, “even getting used to screaming is empowering.”

A Ladakhi country woman happily doing her farm work
A Ladakhi country woman happily doing her farm work (Photo by Daniela Hartmann on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Earlier, news reporters and anthropologists focused on the conditions that fostered the nearly equal status of women and men in Ladakh. But the clear desire by young women and girls for a training course to develop an ability to fend off unwanted aggression from males suggests that conditions are changing.

The famed independence and self-respect of Ladakhi women may still be part of their heritage, but modernizing trends that have affected the region may have also fostered patterns of males hassling, and even attacking, women and girls. It is important to know that Ladakhi women are confronting their changing conditions realistically.

In line with some news stories in May about Fipa women physically punishing a man, last week a report indicated that some of them have been beating their husbands. Gender violence in reverse. Although the news report does not say that the couples involved were all ethnic Ufipa, they are from the city of Sumbawanga and the surrounding area of the Rukwa Region in Tanzania, the traditional homeland of the Fipa society, and their actions certainly exemplify their equal—or in this case perhaps their more than equal—gender relationships.

Two Sumbawanga women in the regional hospital
Two Sumbawanga women in the regional hospital (Photo by The White Ribbon Alliance on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Evidently 20 married men decided to overlook the stigmas and possible shame they might receive and reported to the police in Sumbawanga that they had gotten beatings and been abandoned by their wives. Corporal Germana Mfwomi, the head of the Gender Violence and Children desk in the Sumbawanga Police Department told the reporter about the situation on Saturday August 26 at the inauguration of a program in the city designed to stem gender-based violence.

Ms. Mfwomi said that 15 married men had voluntarily approached the police department to report what she characterized as ruthless beatings by their spouses. What had happened was that in 13 of those cases, the wives had first gone to the Gender Violence and Children desk to report that they had been beaten by their husbands. But the women had been lying.

A Tanzanian woman police officer from the Gender and Children’s Desks at Police Headquarters
A Tanzanian woman police officer from the Gender and Children’s Desks at Police Headquarters (Photo by UN Women on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The policewoman told the reporter, “We … uncovered that it was the husbands who had been beaten by their spouses, who admitted that after being beaten by their spouses they felt embarrassed so they decided to kick out their wives, who in turn rushed to the police desk and complained [about] being beaten by their husbands which … was not true.” Several other men, she added, had also voluntarily reported to the police that they had been abused by their wives.

Ms. Herry Sanga, the Sumbawanga Municipality Welfare Officer, told the reporter that roughly five married men so far had reported to her office that their wives were frequently beating them for unknown reasons. She admitted that the number of men being abused by their spouses could be higher because men would not report the situation for fear of embarrassment and the social stigma involved if their situations became known. Ms. Sanga added that between 40 and 50 cases of gender-based violence are reported every month.

A market in Sumbawanga
A market in Sumbawanga (Photo by Lavinia_a in Flickr, Creative Commons license)

A news report two years ago described steps that several agencies were taking to stem gender violence and it provided background on the gender equality that has traditionally characterized the Fipa society. It quoted one Imelda Honga, a police officer at the Sumbawanga Gender and Children Desk, as saying that training programs that were trying to educate people about gender relationships seemed to be helping, for the reports of domestic violence were decreasing.

The literature on traditional Fipa society, such as the book Fipa Families by Smythe (2006), pointed out that while boys and girls had their separate, gendered tasks, the roles were not rigidly enforced. Sometimes boys would help girls with their jobs and the reverse. The Catholic missionaries who were converting the Fipa over a hundred years ago were appalled at those practices and sought to teach the children to practice their proper tasks as little girls or boys, but the Fipa resisted the European notions of the supposedly normal duties of their genders.

A two year old boy from Sumbawanga
A two year old boy from Sumbawanga (Photo by Paul Shaffner on his blog “Against All Fragmentary Things,” Creative Commons license)

Smythe did mention the existence of spouse abuse in her book. During the period of her fieldwork among the Fipa in the mid-1990s, women, she wrote, were in a different situation from the men. They were in a “disadvantaged state … as residents at their husband’s home[s] and subjected to physical abuse by their husbands (p.111).”

The recent news stories make it clear that the Fipa are quite cognizant of the importance of ending the gender violence that does occur in their society—whether perpetrated by men or women.

 

Lorna Marshall (1960) pointed out that since all Ju/’hoansi have unique footprints, every member of a band could instantly recognize who has been doing what—so stealing was nearly impossible. The thief would be immediately known and dealt with. In other words, their famed ability as trackers was not only essential to their hunting successes, it also had very real implications for helping them maintain their social stability and their culture of nonviolence.

Two Ju/’hoansi hunters show tourists how they track during a hunt
Two Ju/’hoansi hunters show tourists how they track during a hunt (photo by Gil Eilam on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Another anthropologist, Lee (1979), devoted several pages in a book to a detailed description of their techniques for tracking game animals. He summed up their skill with superlatives: The Ju/’hoansi “are such superb trackers and make such accurate deductions from the faintest marks in the sand that at first their skill seems uncanny (p.212).” He described their ability to recognize the unique footprints of other humans and of course all the animals that lived in the Kalahari Desert—their age, sex, physical condition, and what they had been doing—all by studying their tracks.

A group of archaeologists in Germany decided to see if the famed tracking skills of the San people could help them unwrap some mysteries surrounding footprints made by prehistoric people preserved in four European caves, including the famous Pech-Merle. This 2013 project brought three expert Ju/’hoansi trackers—Tsamkxao Ciqae, Ui Kxunta, and Thui Thao—from Namibia to France so they could examine the Pleistocene footprints. Their study of the evidence yielded remarkable results and some interesting news coverage. The scholars who brought the Ju/’hoan trackers to Europe recently published a journal article (Pastoors et al, 2017) describing in detail the work of the trackers: how they analyzed the footprints in the Pech-Merle cave, their results, and the conclusions they reached. The three Ju/’hoansi men are listed as co-authors of the article.

Superlative cave art on display at Pech-Merle cave
Superlative cave art on display at Pech-Merle cave (Photo by Tourisme en Occitanie on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Pech-Merle cave in southwestern France has a fascinating gallery of late Pleistocene rock art—and, incidentally, some human footprints preserved in the soft earth in one small area of about 9 square meters. A thin layer of calcite has formed over the footprints but enough details are preserved to permit in-depth studies of the movements of the people who made them. A spot of charcoal from one of the cave paintings dates from about 25 to 29 thousand years ago but the footprints have not been dated as accurately.

The three Ju/’hoansi men inspected the footprints in Pech-Merle and the three other caves with known human tracks. The point was to integrate their indigenous knowledge with the data and analysis proposed and published earlier by European archaeologists. Pastoors and his colleagues were not interest in romanticizing the indigenous knowledge of the San people nor in looking at the footprints from another, more exotic, viewpoint. Instead, they sought alternative interpretations of data that is widely available. The authors argued that expert tracking, for the purposes of hunting wild game animals, is based on real narratives of real events in the lives of animals; it is also based on an in-depth knowledge of conditions prevailing in the ecosystem.

The three Ju/'hoansi trackers were photographed at another cave; from left, Ui Kxunta, Andreas Pastoors, Tsamkxao Ciqae, Thui Thao, Tilman Lenssen-Erz
The three Ju/’hoansi trackers were photographed at another cave; from left, Ui Kxunta, Andreas Pastoors, Tsamkxao Ciqae, Thui Thao, Tilman Lenssen-Erz (Photo by Tilman Lenssen-Erz on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The three Ju/’hoansi men examined the footprints to determine the ages of the makers, their pace, posture, foot positions, sex, and gait. For readers curious about the ways those experts analyzed the footprints, the authors described, with an accompanying diagram of a right foot, the various factors that go into forming their judgments as to exactly who was making a footprint and what he or she was doing at that moment.

The Ju/’hoansi experts used other factors as well. They differentiated among differing foot postures by assigning categories such as light inward twist or developed inward twist, or light or developed outward twist, or parallel postures. They estimated characteristics such as the age of the person from the presence or absence of cracks in the skin and the apparent flexibility of the toes. The authors argued that the discriminating analytical methods used by the trackers overlap with the measurement approaches used by archaeologists. However, it is apparent from the article that the superior knowledge and experience of the Ju/’hoan men about tracking gave them a decided advantage over efforts by earlier European scientists.

The visit by the Ju/’hoansi yielded a lot of new information to the existing literature about the tracks in Pech-Merle. For one thing, previous scholars who had examined the floor of the cave had identified from 4 to 12 discrete footprints. The Ju/’hoansi found five more, for a total of 17 separate footprints. Furthermore, they identified five discrete, barefoot individuals who had made the tracks, as follows. One was a man of about 34 or 35 who left a single right footprint. The second person, a 25-year old woman, was walking fairly slowly, a conclusion the trackers reached when they discovered a second footprint made by her so they could easily estimate her walking pace.

Two Ju/’hoansi trackers following game tracks in the bush near Xaoba, a village in the Nyae Nyae Conservancy
Two Ju/’hoansi trackers following game tracks in the bush near Xaoba, a village in the Nyae Nyae Conservancy (Photo by Gil Eilam on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The third person who left footprints was a 9 or 10 year old boy. Earlier scholars had seen two prints by the boy but the Ju/’hoansi trackers found a third footprint he had made. They concluded that the boy had been walking in a westerly direction but had changed his pace as he turned more toward the west-northwest. The authors pointed out that the probable reason the boy had changed direction and accelerated his speed may have been to avoid a nearby abyss and to get closer to the safety of the cave wall. Only one footprint had been identified as made by a fourth subject, but the trackers found a second and were able to determine that they were made by an older man, over 50 years of age, who was walking at a fast pace.

The fifth subject was a 30-year old woman. From the fact that one of her footprints was a deep one, the Ju/’hoansi concluded that she was probably carrying a load of some kind. Once again, the trackers were the first to discover another footprint she had made. In sum, the Ju/’hoansi men concluded that they had seen the tracks of five different people, two men, two women, and one boy.

The authors deal with a question that many readers would ask: why did previous investigators miss so many footprints that were obvious to the Ju/’hoansi? They answer: “It remains unclear why they were overlooked or ignored by the preceding researchers.” They add, perceptively, “Once pointed out by Ciqae, Kxunta and Thao, they were distinctly visible (p.160).”

Without directly criticizing the earlier scholars, it is clear to the reader that the biggest problem for the archaeologists who had done the previous examinations of the cave footprints was that they had not correctly distinguished the tracks made by one individual from those made by another. Previous researchers saw only one individual, or at most two. The Ju/’hoansi experts decided how many individuals had made the tracks so they could then analyze exactly what they were doing in the cave: e.g., a woman carrying some sort of a load.

The fascination of all this is learning how well the Ju/’hoansi preserve their traditional tracking skills, even as they now do less hunting and more herding in their villages. The unanswered question is if they still have ways to identify thieves by studying their footprints.

Pastoors, Andreas et al. 2017. “Experience Based Reading of Pleistocene Human Footprints in Pech-Merle.” Quaternary International vol. 430, part A (Feb. 12): 155-162

 

News sources in India reported last week that the famous actor who goes by the stage name Chiranjeevi has once again taken an interest in the Yanadi. When he temporarily gave up his acting and entered politics ten years ago, his political career became mixed in with the relatively obscure tribal group in Andhra Pradesh. The interest in the story is in the way aspiring politicians and other prominent individuals sometimes use poor people—such as the Yanadi in this case—for their own cynical advantage.

Chiranjeevi plays the role of politician, center, cutting a ribbon on July 17, 2014
Chiranjeevi plays the role of politician, center, cutting a ribbon on July 17, 2014 (Photo by Rambabu714 in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

After many years of acting, numerous awards, and nearly 150 films, many of which were major hits, Chiranjeevi has become a superstar of the Indian cinema. But he decided in 2007 to dial back his acting career and go into politics. He founded a new political party in Andhra Pradesh called the Raja Rajyam, with an agenda calling for better social justice programs.

His connection with the Yanadi people began during the campaigning in 2008 when a dynamic Yanadi woman named Tupakula Munemma, a 30-year old laborer from the Nellore District, gave an impassioned speech during a rally for women’s rights. A forceful campaigner against alcoholism, her speech urging women to take action to solve their problems themselves electrified the crowd.

Chiranjeevi quickly convinced her to run for a seat in the assembly herself. News accounts later that year accorded her with a status not far behind the superstar turned politician. She was the first candidate the actor chose to run for a district seat in Nellore. The party continued to tout its support for the so-called Backward Classes of Indian society and even a week before the 2009 election, Raja Rajyam was promoting its support for the Yanadi and the other inhabitants at the bottom of India’s stratified society.

Chiranjeevi won a seat in the election of 2009 to the state legislative assembly from Tirupati, a city of 287,000 in the Chittoor District. His new party only received 18 out of 295 seats in the assembly, however, so he did not become the Chief Minister as he had hoped.

Not much more than a year later, in August 2010, the newly elected politician was quoted in the press as having forgotten his young Yanadi supporter, Ms. Munemma. Someone asked him why he was not encouraging aspiring leaders from the lowest rungs of society such as the Yanadi woman he had championed two years before. He couldn’t remember her.

A view of the city of Tirupati from Thirumkala Hill
The city of Tirupati from Thirumkala Hill (Photo by gsnewid in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

Things went downhill from there between the Yanadi and their former champion. In August 2011, still serving as a member of the state legislative assembly from Tirupati, he decided to pay a visit to some of the poor members of his district. He visited the Yanadi Colony in the city—the fourth such visit—but this time he was mobbed by a crowd of angry women who charged that he had made lots of promises as a champion of the poor in order to get elected but so far he had not carried through on them. Nothing had been improved. The leader of the protesters was particularly critical of their inadequate drinking water supply. She charged that he only visited the Yanadi to gain publicity. He left in a huff. But he did announce subsequently that he was trying to address the water problems with the Chief Minister of the state.

Chiranjeevi left the local political scene early in 2012. He ran for, and was elected to, the upper house of the Indian national parliament, the Rajya Sabha, in which he still serves. But he had been losing interest in politics and decided to return to his acting career. The recent success of his 150th film has re-engaged him in acting and reduced his involvement in politics still farther. Or so it has seemed to observers in India.

But the story of Chiranjeevi’s relations with the Yanadi entered the news again last week when the politician/actor wrote a letter to the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, N. Chandrababu Naidu, complaining about the treatment of the Yanadi colony in Tirupati. He alleged, according to one account , that Tirupati wanted to evict the Yanadi scavengers from their 2.34 acres of land and give the property to other private interests.

Some Yanadi kids
Some Yanadi kids (Photo by Only the Best on NationMaster.com and copyrighted, but released for all uses without reservation)

“Though the government is saying that they would be rehabilitated elsewhere, it is nothing but an attempt to drive them away from the town,” he wrote in his letter. He argued that the government of Tirupati was discriminating against the scavengers. He said that the colony should be given up-to-date facilities and developed into a modern community.

Chiranjeevi stated that he had tried to bring some developments to the Yanadi when he was the representative to the state legislature. His points were picked up by other news sources on Monday which provided similar reports—that he had emphasized the injustice of discriminating against the long-term resident Yanadi scavengers in the city.

 

The Museum of Sciences in Caracas announced the acquisition of a new warime mask of the Piaroa people, according to a press release dated August 10. Issued by the Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Cultura of Venezuela, the news story indicated that the Imé warime mask will be located in the central isle on the ground floor of the museum.

A white-lipped peccary
A white-lipped peccary (Photo by tuftedear on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The mask depicts a white-lipped peccary (Tayassu pecari), a wild animal of the tropical forest but also a character in Piaroa warime celebrations in which they sing to the rivers Cuao, Cataniapo, and Autana.  In the words of the Google translation of the press statement, the importance of the mask is that the warime “is part of the many cultural and spiritual expressions of this indigenous ethnic group.”

In fact, the press release continues, the warime “is the most important celebration of the physical and magico-religious world of the Piaroa.” The ritual, which is held annually, celebrates fertility and abundance. Masked dances during the ritual reproduce mythical events in which animals and people change shapes. The mask added to the museum collection was made by an unknown Piaroa man, according to the experts, and donated to the museum by Mariela Arvelo. It was made with traditional vegetable materials that were bonded with a resin and adorned with macaw feathers sticking out of the muzzle (see the photo of it).

The warime mask of a peccary added to the Museum of Sciences collection
The warime mask of a peccary added to the Museum of Sciences collection (Copyleft license)

The press release credits Alexander Mansutti with writing that the warime masks are ritual objects fabricated by Piaroa shamans who are responsible for the celebrations. They obtain the materials, prepare the rituals, and develop the ceremonies. Mansutti’s 2008 article “Envy and Revenge: The Case of the Piaroa” provided a lot of additional details about the place of the warime rituals in Piaroa society.

He described the warime festival as a celebration of fertility, abundance and wealth. The festivals, and the masks that are needed to stage them, are closely tied in with their peacefulness. The shamans who organize a warime festival, according to Mansutti, are aware that it might foster envy and hostility from some neighboring shamans who may not have as many resources so they could become jealous. To counterbalance that possibility, the organizing shamans will try to build alliances with other shamans to prevent any shamanic attacks from happening. But controlling envy is key.

Mansutti argued that the Piaroa are rarely aggressive physically—they have a highly peaceful society and they idealize the absence of violence in their communities. To reinforce their idealistic views of themselves, their myths include a worldview that focuses on the effects of shamanic violence. Their peacefulness is marred, at least symbolically, by shamanic aggression; their mythology allows the shamans to bring to life and then to cope with envy and the violence it can produce. In sum, the Piaroa are “masters of the uses of symbolic violence,” he wrote (p.216). The warime festivals exist to forestall envy and violence as well as to celebrate abundance.

A Piaroa man plays a flute
A Piaroa man plays a flute (Screenshot from the video “Piaroa Culture: Venezuelan Amazon” by ProBiodiversa on Vimeo, Creative Commons license)

A more recent article by Mansutti (2012), “Yuruparí: Máscaras y Poder entre los Piaroas del Orinoco” (available as a PDF), described the key roles played by peccary masks in the warime festivals. The story of the festival day for the masks begins at dawn when they are awakened by toucans, represented by special types of flutes made without holes and played by Piaroa performers. While many other creatures participate during the events of the day—monkeys, vampire bats, spiders, caimans, and other animals—the essential element in the celebration is the mask of the peccary. It appears as if the Museum of Sciences has gained a real treasure for its collections.

 

A Hutterite colony in South Dakota, accused of negligence for not properly controlling the behavior of its teenagers, has settled a wrongful death suit out of court. The settlement occurred just a few days before the civil trial was scheduled to begin at the federal district court in Sioux Falls, S.D. The Argus Leader of Sioux Falls reported the story on August 10th and provided an update on the 15th.

A group of boys and girls at the Milford Hutterite Colony in Montana
A group of boys and girls at the Milford Hutterite Colony in Montana (Photo by Roger W on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The facts in the case do not appear to have been disputed. Janos Stahl of the Deerfield Colony near Ipswich, S.D., and Vannah Decker from the Starland Colony in Gibbon, Minnesota, had formed an online friendship using messaging on Facebook. The Deerfield Colony prohibits using Facebook but Stahl, who was 17 at the time, gained access to it anyway at the local public library.

After some months of messaging, they had the chance to meet in person on February 9, 2014, when Vannah, who was 15, traveled to visit some of her relatives at the Plainview Colony in South Dakota, located just four miles from the Deerfield Colony. Stahl drank several beers that he found in his grandmother’s refrigerator and drove a GMC Jimmy owned by his colony over to Plainview to finally meet Vannah.

Young Hutterite women hanging out on a Winnipeg street
Young Hutterite women hanging out on a Winnipeg street (Photo by Dave Shaver on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

The two hung out with some other teens at Plainview where he had more to drink. Later in the evening, with Stahl at the wheel, they left Plainview heading back toward Deerfield. Trying to impress his girlfriend, he accelerated to almost 100 miles per hour on the gravel road, lost control, and turned the vehicle over into a ditch. Decker was thrown from the vehicle. Stahl suffered some injuries, lost consciousness, and when he came to, he searched for the girl. He couldn’t find her in the dark and, confused, he assumed he had already taken her back to Plainview.

He walked barefoot back to Deerfield in sub-zero temperatures, took a shower, and went to bed. He didn’t report the accident. The next day Vannah’s body was found at the crash site, along with an open bottle of whiskey. Stahl served a year in the county jail for second degree manslaughter.

Picking carrots at a Hutterite colony in South Dakota
Picking carrots at a Hutterite colony in South Dakota (Photo by Jody Halsted on Flickr, Creative Commons license)

Vannah’s father, Michael Decker, decided to bring a civil suit in the federal court, according to his attorney, in “hopes this case will help bring needed changes so that the public is protected from unlicensed children driving on the public roadways of South Dakota.” The colony did not take appropriate measures that would prevent its teenagers from having access to alcohol or access to the keys to colony vehicles. The terms of the out-of-court settlement were not revealed.

The accounts of the testimonies that were prepared for the civil suit differed between the two different articles in the Argus Leader. According to the report published right after the settlement was announced, Deerfield colony members said that boys at the colony commonly taught themselves how to drive and frequently took motor vehicles out on the public roads. Furthermore, the colony had a supply of alcohol that was not kept locked up.

Students in a Hutterite colony school
Students in a Hutterite colony school (Photo by Stefan Kuhn in Wikimedia, Creative Commons license)

The judge, Charles Kornmann, had commented earlier, in refusing a motion to dismiss the suit, that the colony should have foreseen the consequences of allowing unlicensed boys to have access to both motor vehicles and alcoholic beverages. “The foreseeability of injury increases when the keys are readily accessible and alcohol readily available,” the judge had written.

The second article in the newspaper published last Tuesday included comments by the lawyer for the Deerfield Colony, Bill Fuller of Sioux Falls, that were somewhat more defensive of his client. He said that members of the colony must be 18 in order to get a driver’s license. Furthermore, young people do operate farm machinery from the age of 14 or 15, but only on colony grounds.

Fuller added that Stahl knew that what he was doing was against the rules; “he knew it was wrong, and he knew his parents would not allow him to do it.” But, he concluded, “first and foremost, a young woman lost her life which is an immense tragedy for which the Decker family has suffered greatly.” Fuller added,“we are truly sorry for their loss.”

The two newspaper accounts do not address the obvious question as to why, in the well-ordered, carefully controlled life of a colony, a teenager would go so wrong. When Hutterite children turn 15, according to The Hutterites in North America by Hostetler and Huntington (1996), their childhood ends. They leave the colony’s German school, stop eating in the children’s dining room, and become minor actors in the adult world. They start eating in the adult dining room and begin participating, as learners and apprentices, in the work of the men or women of the colony. They enter a transitional period of their lives which normally ends when they are baptized and join the colony as young adults.

Janzen and Stanton (2010) make it clear that Stahl’s behavior—drinking and driving without permission—while doubtless not condoned by the adults in the colony, was probably also expected and tolerated. Such activities by young Hutterites, especially boys, are normal parts of growing up. Typical activities engaged in by young people that violate the rules include, they wrote, taking colony vehicles and driving into town without permission, working for pocket change for neighbors, drinking to excess, and smoking. “In some colonies, a significant number of young people experiment with at least one of these activities; at others there is little interest (p.192).” The Hutterites have no objections to moderate drinking.

In the colonies studied by Hostetler and Huntington, transgressions of the rules were punished by making them stand during Sunday school proceedings, or for even worse offenses, standing at the back of the church during services, or for even worse offenses, standing at the front of the church. The feeling was that by displaying young offenders just like dumb oxen, they would realize that their offensive actions were really stupid and would stop doing them. If Stahl ever received discipline such as that, it probably didn’t make much of an impression on him.